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THE 

HISTORY 

OF 

NORTH AND SOUTH AMERICA*? 







FROM ITS DISCOVERY 

TO THE 






S^eatf) of General H^fjtnston. 






BY RICHARD SNOWDEN, Es^. 



IN TWO VOLUMES. 



VOL. I. 



PHILADELVHIJk: 
PUBLISHED BY BENJAMIN WARNER, 

AND FOR SALE AT HIS BOOK-STORES, IN PHILADELPHIA, AJU 
RICHMOND, VIRGINIA. 



1817. 

Y/ILLIAM GREEK, KUNTteB* 



3 



tP\ 



Pi 5, 



DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA, to wit : 

be it remembeueb, That on the twelfth day of June, in the twenty* 
ninth year of the Independence of the United States of America, A D, 
1805, Jacob Johnson, of the said district, hath deposited in this office, 
the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in the 
words following-, to wit : 

" The History of North and South America, from its Discovery to the 
"Death of General Washington. By Richard Snowden, Esq. In two 
** volumes. Vol. I." 

In conformity to the act of the Congress of the U. States, entituled, 
" An act for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of 
Maps, Charts, and Books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies 
during the times therein mentioned :" And also to the act, entitled, 
" An act supplementary to an act, entitled, * An act for the encourage- 
ment of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, 
to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein- 
mentioned,' and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing** 
engraving, and etching historical and other prints." 

(L. S.) D. CALDWELL, 

Clerk of the District of Pennsylvania 



PREFACE. 



TO furnish the public with a cheap history of America, from 
its discovery, to its present state of civilization and importance, 
is an undertaking of such general utility, that the attempt, if 
it even fall short of complete execution, has a claim to a con- 
siderable share of indulgence. This is more especially the case, 
when the writer has to follow a historian of such great and just 
celebrity as Dr. Robertson, in at least one half of the work. 

To compose such a historical epitome as is desirable, from 
scattered materials, is a difficulty of such magnitude, as wholly 
to discourage the attempt; and to abridge the pages of so great 
an original, where there is nothing superfluous, nothing the 
reader would wish omitted, is a design, which to many will 
seem to border on temerity. But this abridgement has been 
preferred, as it is attended with the least chance of disappoint- 
ment ; and to borrow is not dishonorable, when the obligation 
is candidly acknowledged. 

In what relates to South America, Dr. Robertson's history 
has, therefore, been implicitly followed. His arrangement of 
the subject, his chronological order, and his very style have 
been adopted, as the best that can be chosen. To condense his 
details, to introduce only the most prominent and characteristic 
events, has been the principal effort, and invariable purpose of 
the epitomiser : endeavouring as he progressed, to preserve un- 
broken, the connexion and continuity of events ; and in the 
whole, to present the reader with a brief, but interesting view, 
of one of the most important seras in the annals of the world. 

So far the writer travelled with pleasure: but, in tracing the 
subsequent part, the history of North America, he has cause to - 
regret, with all his contemporaries, the absence of so pleasing 
and faithful a guide. ...being obliged to collect materials from 



4 • PREFACE. 

different sources, none of which are complete, of all the British 
settlements in North America, from their first landing to the 
final separation from the parent state. 

The settlement of these colonies being made at different pe- 
riods, with charters of incorporation extremely variant, and 
with governments as distinct as their geographical boundaries, 
rendered a history of the British empire in America, extremely 
complex and difficult. From this heterogeneous mass, however, 
the writer has endeavoured, with considerable labour, to educe 
a summary of those events that paved the way to the American 
Revolution ; and which will constitute the introduction to the 
Uiture histories of the United States. 

In that portion of the work which succeeds the confederation 
of the colonies, and the consequent declaration of Indepen- 
dence, we set our feet on surer ground : we revive events that 
happened in our own memory; and of which there are faithful 
records within the reach of most of our readers. In treating on 
this part of the subject, it is not a very easy task, wholly to 
avoid that collision of opinions which is inseparable from free 
governments, and which constitutes so great a part in the annals 
of United America. This, however difficult, the writer has 
endeavoured to avoid, confining himself, as much as possible, 
to a history of facts, and to those only that are of a national 
concern. His principal object has been to present his readers 
with a comprehensive view of the whole, without any respect to 
the politics of a single state or party ; and to excite, if possible, 
a zeal for the general welfare and honour of our common 
country.... How far he has succeeded in this, as well as other 
parts of the work, must be left to the candid reader; to whom 
it is now very respectfully submitted* 






CONTENTS 

OF THE FIRST VOLUME, 



Page. 

Introduction to the discovery of America, - - - - -7 

Talents and perseverance of Columbus, ib. 
Columbus applies to several powers for means to sail to the westward, 10 

Columbus sails from Palos, - 18 

Discovers land, one of the Bahama Islands, 22 

Columbus returns to Spain, ------- 30 

Columbus proceeds on a second voyage, 32 
Discovers one of the Leeward Islands, naming it Deseada, * - 33 

Returns to Spam with great treasures, - 41 

Sails on his third voyage, 42 

Arrives at Trinidad, ..-»*...«. 44 

Mutiny of Roldan, ------ 1 - ~ 4,-; 

Columbus sent to Spain in irons, ------ 48 

Ovando appointed governor of Hispaniola, 49 
Columbus sails from Cadiz on bis fourth voyage, and arrives ofT St. 

Dommgo, - St 

Sails for Honduras, Yucatan, &c. ... * _ 52 

Shipwrecked on the coast of Cuba, 5;> 

Death of Columbus, 5R 

Anacoana cruelly treated by Ovando, 60 

Balboa first discovers the great Pacific Ocean, - 67 

Cortes accompanies Velasques to Cub.T, - . 74, 

Cortes invades Mexico, ------.* 77 

Character of Montezuma, - go 

Montezuma meets Cortes with great pomp, - 9% 

Montezuma made prisoner, - - - 97 

Cortes gets entire possession of Mexico, - - - '- - 12 1 

Magellan sails from Seville for new discoveries, - - - 1:?; 

Account of Pizaro, * 

Conquest of Peru, -•-----.. 



CONTENTS 

OF THE SECOND VOLUME, 



Conjectures on peopling America, 
Character of the American Indians, 

A 2 




™ CONTENTS. 

Page. 
State of the British colonies in 1763, ... -26 

British parliament lay duties on goods imported into the colonies, 
The Americans unite in a non-importation agreement, 

The stamp act passed, 

Assembly of New York oppose an act of parliament, 

Violent tumult at Boston, - 

Troops arrive at Boston, - 

Tea destroyed by the Bostonians, - 

The first congress meet at Philadelphia, - - - - - 
Colonists prepare for war, --.----. 

Battle at Lexington, - - 

Bunker's Hill, 

Articles of confederation, 

George Washington appointed commander in chief, - 

General Montgomery proceeds against Canada, 

Norfolk, in Virginia" burnt by the British, - ... 

The British evacuate Boston, 

American Declaration of Independence, 

British armament sent against Charleston, - 

Battle on Long Island, near Flat bush, 

■ ~ at White Plains, 

General Washington takes the Hessians prisoners, at Trenton, 

Battle at Princeton, 

■ — B randy w'.ne, __.---._ 

— Germantown, „..--... 

Capture of Burgoyne at Saratoga, - - - 

The British evacuate Philadelphia, 

French fleet arrives at Virginia, commanded by count D'Estaing, 
Fairfield, Norwalk, and Greenfield, burnt by the British, 
Stony Point taken by general Wayne* - 

Tarleton defeated, - - 

Arnold attempts to deliver West Point to the British, 

Major Andre taken as a spy, - - - - 

Henry Laurens, Esq. taken by the British, on his passage to Holland, 

Battle of Guildford Court House, 

engagement between the British and French fleets in the Chesa- 
peake, 

Surrender of Cornwallis at York Town in Virginia, ... 
Treaty of peace ratified, -.---.. 

Washington takes leave of the army and of congress, - ■ 

Washington elected president of the United States, 

His farwell address, - 

His death, - . . , - - 



% 




&i#tor£ of America. 



THE discovery of America has led to events unrivalled 
in modern history, and we cannot sufficiently admire that stea- 
dy unconquerable resolution, that amazing force of mind which 
carried the first bold discoverer through all opposition, and over 
innumerable obstacles, to the ultimate em\ of his grand design. 
The intelligent reader will be agreeably entertained in following 
this skilful navigator, through unknown seas, in search of a 
New World : every little incident during the voyage will appear 
of sufficient magnitude to fix the attention, and excite a stro g 
sympathy with the adventurous chief, in all the various turns of 
his fortune, 

This first volume will contain what Dr. Robertson calls the 
most splendid portion of the American story : he is undoubtedly 
right as far as it respects South America* and it is so detached, 
as to form a perfect whole by itself. Most of the prominent 
facts are a faithful transcript from that accurate and elegant 
historian. According to his note, No. XI. Christopher Colum- 
bus was born, A. I). 1447: the place of his birth is not ascer- 
tained, but it appears he was a subject of the Republic of Genoa, 
and was allured into the service of the Portuguese by the fame of 
their discoveries: he was descended from an honourable family, 
though reduced to indigence by various misfortunes. 

Columbus discovered in his early youth, a strong propensity 
and talents for a sea-faring life: this propensity his parents 
encouraged by the education they gave him; afcer acquiring 
some knowledge of the Latin tongue, the only language in 
which science was taught at that time, he was instructed in ge 
ometry, cosmography, astronomy, and the art of drawing. To 
these he applied with such unremitted ardour, as they were so 
intimately connected with navigation, his favourite object, that 
he advanced with rapid proficiency in the study of thein. Thus 
qualified, he went to sea at the age of fourteen, and began his 
career on that element, which conducted him to so much glorw, 
His early voyages were to those ports in the Mediterranean which 
his countrymen, the Genoese, frequented. This being too narrow 
a sphere for his active mind, he made an excursion to the north- 
ern seas, and visited the coast of Iceland ; he proceeded beyond 
that island, (the Thule of the ancients) and advanced several 
degrees within the polar circle. 

This voyage enlarged his knowledge in naval affairs more 



8 HISTORY OF 

than it improved his fortune; afterwards he entered into the ser- 
vice of a famous sea captain of his own name and family. This 
man commanded a small squadron, fitted out at his own expense, 
and by cruising against the Mahometans and the Venetians, the 
rivals of his country in trade, had acquired both wealth and rep- 
utation. Columbus continued in the service of this captain for 
several years, distinguished both for his courage and experience 
as a sailor: at length, in an obstinate engagement off the coast 
of Portugal, with some Venetian earavals, returning richly laden 
from the low countries, the vessel on board of which he was 
took fire, together with one of the enemy's ships, to which it 
was fast grappled. 

In this dreadful extremity his intrepidity and presence of mind 
did not forsake him; for throwing himself into the sea. and lay- 
ing hold of a floating oar, by his own dexterity in swimming, he 
reached the shore, though above two leagues distant. Thus was 
a life saved, reserved for great undertakings. 

When he had recovered sufficient strength, he repaired to Lis- 
bon, where many of his countrymen resided, who warmly so- 
licited him to stay in that kingdom, where his naval skill and 
experience could net fail of procuring him that reward, which 
his merit entitled him to. Columbus listened with a favourable 
ear to the advice of his friends : married a Portuguese lady, and 
fixed his residence at Lisbon. By this alliance, the sphere of 
his naval knowledge was enlarged. His wife was a daughter of 
Bartholomew Perestrello, one of the captains employed by 
prince Henry, and who. under his protection, had discovered 
and planted the islands of Porto Santo and Madeira. 

Columbus, from the journals and charts of this experienced 
navigator, learned the course which the Portuguese had held in 
making their discoveries. The study of these gratified and in- 
flamed his favourite passion; and, while he contemplated the 
maps and read the descriptions of the new countries which Per- 
estrello had seen, his impatience to visit them became irresista- 
ble. In order to indulge it, he made a voyage to Madeira, and 
continued during several years to trade with that island, with the 
Canaries, the Azores, the settlements in Guinea, and all the 
other places which the Portuguese had discovered on the conti- 
nent of Africa. 

He was now become one of the most skilful navigators in Eu- 
rope; but his ambition aimed at something more. The mind of 
Columbus, naturally inquisitive, and capable of deep reflection, 
was often employed in revolving the principles upon which the 
Portuguese had founded their schemes of discovery, and the mode 
in winch they had carried them on. 

The great object it) view, at that period, was to find out a pas- 
sage by sea to the fcas.t Indies. From the time that the Portuguese 



AMERICA. 9 

doubled Cape de Verd, this was a point they were anxiously so- 
licitous to attain ; in comparison with it, all discoveries in Africa 
appeared inconsiderable. But how intent soever the Portuguese 
were upon discovering a new route to those desirable regions, 
they searched for it only by steering towards the south, in hopes 
of arriving at India, by turning to the east, after they had sailed 
round the utmost extremity of Africa. This course, however, 
was still unknown : and if discovered, was of such immense 
length, that a voyage from Europe to India, must have appeared 
an undertaking extremely arduous, and of very uncertain issue. 

More than half a century had been employed in advancing from 
Cape Non to the Equator; a much longer space of time might 
elapse before the extensive navigation from that to India could be 
accomplished. These reflections upon the uncertainty, and the 
danger of the course which the Portuguese were pursuing, led 
Columbus to consider, whether a shorter and more direct passage 
to the East Indies might not be found out. After revolving long 
and attentively, every circumstance suggested by his superior 
knowledge in the theory, as well as practice of navigation, after 
comparing the observations of modern pilots with the conjectures 
of ancient authors, he at last concluded, that by sailing directly 
towards the west, across the Atlantic ocean, new countries, which 
probably formed a part of the vast continent of India, must in- 
fallibly be discovered. 

The spherical figure of the earth was known, and its magni- 
tude ascertained with some degree of accuracy. From this it 
was evident, that the continents of Europe, Asia, and Africa, 
formed but a small portion of the terraqueous globe. It appear- 
ed likewise very probable that the continent on this side the globe 
was balanced by a proportional quantity of land in the other 
hemisphere. These conclusions concerning another continent, 
drawn from the figure and structure of the globe, were confirm- 
ed by the observations and conjectures of modern navigators. 

A Portuguese pilot having stretched farther to the west than 
usual at that time, took up a piece of timber artificially carved, 
floating upon the sea; and as it was driven towards him by a 
westerly wind, he concluded that it came from some unknown 
land, situated in that quarter. Columbus's brother-in-law, also 
had found to the west of the Madeira isles, a piece of timber, 
fashioned in the same manner, and brought by the same wind ; 
and had seen likewise canes of an enormous size floating upon 
the waves, which resembled those described by Ptolemy, as pro- 
ductions peculiar to the East Indies. After a course of wester- 
ly winds, trees torn up with their roots, were often driven upon 
*he coasts of the Azores, and at one time the dead bodies of two 
men, with singular features, which resembled neither the inhabi- 
tants of Europe, nor of Africa, were cast ashore there. 



10 HISTORY OF 

To a mind capable of forming and executing great designs as 
that of Columbus, these observations and authorities operated in 
full force with his sanguine and enterprizing temper ; speculation 
led immediately to action, fully satisfied himself with respect to 
the truth of his system, he was impatient to bring it to the test 
of experiment, and to set out on a voyage of discovery. 

The first step towards this, was to secure the patronage of 
some of the considerable powers in Europe, capable of under- 
taking such an enterprise. His affection for his native country 
not extinguished by absence, he wished should reap the fruits,pf 
his labours and invention. With this view, he laid his scheme 
before the senate of Genoa, and offered to sail under the banners 
of the republic, in quest of the new regions he expected to dis- 
cover. But Columbus had resided so many years in foreign parts 
that his countrymen were unacquainted with his abilities and 
character; they therefore inconsiderately rejected his proposal, 
as the dream of a chimerical projector, and lost forever the op- 
portunity of restoring their commonwealth to its ancient splen- 
dour. 

Columbus was so little discouraged by the repulse which he had 
received, that instead of relinquishing his object, he pursued it 
with fresh ardour. 

He next made an overture to John II. king of Portugal, whom 
he considered as having the second claim to his services. Here 
every thing seemed to promise him a more favourable reception. 
He applied to a monarch of an enterprising genius, no incom- 
petent judge in naval affairs, and proud of patronizing every 
attempt to discover new countries. His subjects were the most 
experienced navigators in Europe, and the least apt to be inti- 
midated either by the novelty or boldness of any maritime ex- 
pedition. 

In Portugal the skill of Columbus in his profession, as well 
as his personal good qualities, were well known : accordingly 
the king listened to him in the most gracious manner, and re- 
ferred the consideration of his plan to Diego Ortiz, bishop of 
Ceuta, and two Jewish physicians, eminent cosmographers, 
whom he was accustomed to consult in matters of this kind. As 
he had in Genoa to combat with ignorance, in Lisbon prejudice, 
an enemy no less formidable, opposed him ; the persons to whose 
decision his project was referred were the chief directors of 
the Portuguese navigation, and had advised to search for a 
passage to India by steering a course directly opposite to that 
which Columbus recommended, as shorter and more certain. 
They could not, therefore, approve of his proposal, without 
submitting to the double mortification, of condemning thek 
own theory, and of acknowledging his superior sagacity. 



AMERICA. 11 

After a fruitless and mortifying attendance, being teazed 
with captious questions, and starting; innumerable objections, 
witb a view of betraying him into such a particular explanation 
of his system, they deferred passing a final judgment, with 
respect to it; but secretly conspired to rob him of tbe honour 
and advantages which he expected from the success of his 
scheme, advising the king to despatch a vessel secretly* in order 
to attempt the proposed discovery, by following exactly the 
course which Columbus seemed to point out. The king, forget- 
ting on this occasion, the sentiments becoming a monarch, 
meanly adopted this perfidious counsel. But the pilot chosen 
to execute Columbus's plan, had neither the genius, nor the 
fortitude, of its author; he returned, as might have been ex- 
pected, without accomplishing any thing; execrating the project 
as equally extravagant and dangerous. 

Upon discovering this dishonourable action, he instantly 
quitted the kingdom, and landed in Spain, towards the close 
of the year 1484. when he determined to propose it in person 
to Ferdinand and Isabella, who at that time governed the united 
kingdoms of Castile and Arragon. But as he had already ex- 
perienced the uncertain issue of applications to kings and 
•ministers, he took the precaution of sending into England his 
brother Bartholomew, to whom he had fully communicated his 
ideas ; in order that he might, at the same time, negotiate with 
Henry VII. who was reputed one of the most sagacious, as well 
as opulent, princes in Europe. Columbus entertained doubts 
and fears will respect to the reception of his proposals in the 
Spanish court. 

Spain was engaged at that juncture, in a dangerous war with 
Granada, the last of the Moorish kingdoms. The cautious and 
suspicious temper of Ferdinand was not congenial with bold 
and uncommon designs. Isabella, though more generous and 
enterprising, was under the influence of her husband in all her 
actions. 

The Spaniards had hitherto made no efforts to extend naviga- 
tion beyond its ancient limits, and beheld the amazing progress 
of discovery among their neighbours, the Portuguese, without 
making one attempt to imitate or rival them. Under circum- 
stances so unfavourable it was not likely that Columbus 'could 
make a rapid progress with a nation naturally slow and dilatory 
in performing all its resolutions. 

His character, however, was well adapted to that of the 
people, whose confidence and protection he solicited. He was 
grave, though courtly in his deportment; circumspect in his 
words and actions; irreproachable in his morals; and exem- 
plary in his attention to all the duties of religion. By these 
qualities he gained many private friends, and acquired such 



12 HISTORY OF 

general esteem, that he was considered as a person id. whose 
propositions serious attention was due. » 

Ferdinand and Isabella, though fully occupied by their opera = 
tions against the Moors, paid so much regard to Columbus as 
to refer the consideration of his plan to the queen's confessor, 
Ferdinand de Talavera. He consulted such of his countrymen 
as were supposed best qualified to decide upon a subject of this 
nature : these pretended philosophers selected to judge in a 
matter of such moment, did not comprehend the first principles, 
upon which Columbus founded his conjectures and hopes. Some 
of them, from mistaken notions, concerning the dimensions 
of the globe, contended that a voyage to those remote parts of 
the earth, which Columbus expected to discover, could not be 
performed in less than three years ; others concluded he 
would find the ocean to be of infinite extent, according to the 
opinion of some ancient philosophers ; or if he should persist 
in steering towards the west, beyond a certain point, that the 
convex figure of the globe would prevent his return, and that 
he must inevitably perish in the vain attempt to open a commu- 
nication between the two opposite hemispheres which nature 
had forever disjoined. Some contended that it was presump- 
tuous in any person to suppose that he alone possessed know- 
ledge superior to all the rest of mankind united ; that if there 
were really any such countries as Columbus pretended, they 
could not have remained so long concealed, nor would the saga- 
city and wisdom of former ages have left the glory gf this inven- 
tion to an obscure Genoese pilot. 

Columbus's patience was put to the severest trial in listening 
to these ignorant and malicious insinuations : after innumerable 
conferences, and wasting five years in fruitless endeavours to 
inform and satisfy them, Talavera at last made such an unfa- 
vourable report to Ferdinand and Isabella, as induced them to 
acquaint Columbus, tl at until the war with the Moors should be 
brought to a final period, it was impossible for them to engage 
in any new and expensive enterprise. 

This declaration Columbus considered as a total rejection of 
his proposals. But happily for mankind superiority of genius is 
usually accompanied with an ardent enthusiasm, which can nei- 
ther be cooled by delays, nor damped by disappointments. The 
insolence of office may depress, but cannot extinguish it, as it 
soars above the littleness of human pride. 

Columbus was of a sanguine temper, though he felt deeply the 
cruel blow given to his hopes, and retired immediately from a 
court where he had been long amused with vain expectations. 
His confidence in the justness of his own system did not forsake 
him ; and his impatience to demonstrate the truth of it became 
greater than ever. 



AMERICA. 15 

Having thus failed of success with sovereign states, he next ap- 
plied to persons of inferior rank, and addressed the dukes of Medi- 
na, Sidonia, and Medina Celi, who, though subjects, were possessed 
of power and opulence sufficient for the enterprize which he pro- 
jected. His proposals to them were, however, fruitless; they did* 
not choose to countenance a scheme which Ferdinand had reject- 
ed, even if they had approved of ihe enterprize. They were afraid 
of alarming the jealousy, and offending the pride of Ferdinand, by 
acting counter to his judgment. Such a succession of disappoint- 
ments excited the most painful sensations ; and his distress was 
augmented by his not having received any accounts from his bro- 
ther, whom he had sent to the court of England. In his voyage to 
that country Bartholomew fell into the hands of pirates who strip- 
ped him of everything, and detained him a prisoner several years. 
At length he made his escape, and arrived in England, but in such 
extreme indigence, that he was compelled to employ a considera- 
ble space of time in drawing and selling maps, in order to obtain 
as much money as would enable him to purchase a decent dress, 
in which he might venture to appear at court. He then laid before 
the king the proposals with which he had been entrusted by his 
brother; and, notwithstanding Henry's excessive caution and 
parsimony, which rendered him averse to new and expensive 
undei takings, he received the overtures of Columbus with more ap- 
probation, than any monarch to whom they had hitherto been 
presented. 

Columbus, in the meanwhile, unacquainted with his brother's 
fate, and all hopes of succeeding in Spain being vanished, he re- 
solved to visit the court of England in person. He had already 
made preparations for this purpose, and taken measures for the 
disposal of his children during his absence, when Juan Perez, the 
Prior of the monastery of Ribada near Palos, in which they had 
been educated, earnestly solicited him to defer his journey for a 
short time. Perez was a man of considerable learning, and of 
some credit with queen Isabella, to whom he was personally 
known. Warmly attached to Columbus, and prompted by curi- 
osity or friendship, he entered upon an accurate examination of 
his system, in conjunction with a physician, who was a good 
mathematician. 

This investigation satisfied them so thoroughly with respect to 
the principles upon which Columbus founded his opinion, that Pe- 
rez, fearing his country would lose the glory and benefit of so 
grand an enterprize, ventured to write to Isabella, conjuring her 
to consider the matter over again, and with the attention it me- 
rited. 

Isabella was so far moved by this representation, that she 
desired Perez to repair immediately to the village of Santa Fe, 
in which, on account of the siege of Granada, the court resided 



14 HISTORY OF 

at that time, that she might confer with him upon this important 
and interesting subject. 

The first effect of their interview was a gracious invitation of 
Columbus back to court, accompanied with the present of a small 
sum to equip him for the journey. As there was a near pros- 
pect that the war with the Moors would be speedily brought to 
a happy issue, by the reduction of Granada, which would leave 
the nation at liberty to engage in new undertakings ; this, as well 
as the mark of royal favour with which Columbus had lately been 
honoured, encouraged his friends to appear with greater confi- 
dence than formerly, in support of his scheme. 

Of these, Alonzo de Quintanilla* comptroller of the finances in 
Castile, and Luis de Santangel, receiver of the ecclesiastical re- 
venues in Arragon, whose zeal in promoting this great design, 
entitles their names to an honourable place in history : these gen- 
tlemen introduced Columbus to many persons of high rank, and 
interested them warmly in his cause. Ferdinand's distrustful 
prudence could not easily be overcome, he considered the pro- 
ject as extravagant and chimerical ; and in order at once to 
destroy the efforts of his partizans, and render them ineffectual, 
he employed, in the new negotiation, persons who had formerly 
pronounced his scheme impracticable. 

To their astonishment Columbus appeared before them with 
the same confident hopes of success as formerly, and insisted 
upon the same high recompense. He proposed that a small fleet 
should be fitted out, under his command, to attempt a discovery, 
and demanded to be appointed perpetual and hereditary admiral 
and viceroy of all the seas and lands he should discover, and to 
have the tenth of the profits arising from them, settled irrevoca- 
bly upon him and his descendants. At the same time he offered 
to advance the eighth part of the sum necessary, for accomplish- 
ing the design, on condition of his enjoying a proportional share 
of benefit from the adventure. *• If the enterprize should totally 
miscarry, he made no stipulation for any reward or emolument 
whatever. 

Instead of viewing this last proposition as the clearest evidence 
of his full persuasion, with respect to the truth of his own system, 
or being struck with admiration with that magnanimity which 
after so many delays and repulses, would stoop to nothing inferior 
to its original claims, the persons with whom Columbus treated, 
meanly objected to the expense of the expedition, and the value 
of the reward which he demanded. 

The expense they affirmed would be too great for Spain, in 
the present exhausted state of its finances. They contended the 
honours and emoluments claimed by Columbus, were exorbitant, 
even if he should perform the utmost of what he had proposed ; 
and that if the expedition should prove abortive, such vast con- 



AMERICA. % 15 

cessions to an adventurer would be deemed inconsiderate and 
ridiculous. 

These cautious objections were so consonant with the natural 
disposition of Ferdinand, that he cordially approved of them, and 
Isabella discouraged, declined giving any countenance to Colum- 
bus, and abruptly broke off the conference. 

The mind of Columbus, firm as it was, could hardly support 
the shock of such an unforeseen reverse. He withdrew in deep 
anguish from court, with an intention of prosecuting his voyage 
to England, as his last resource. 

About that time Granada surrendered, and Ferdinand and 
Isabella, in triumphal pomp, took possession of a city, the reduc- 
tion of which rendered them masters of all the provinces extend- 
ing from the bottom of the Pyrenees to the frontiers of Portugal. 
Quintanilla and Santangel taking advantage of this favourable 
event, made one more effort in behalf of their friend. They 
addressed themselves to Isabella, and after expressing their sur- 
prize that she, who had always been the liberal patroness of ge- 
nerous undertakings, should hesitate so long to countenance the 
most splendid scheme that had ever been proposed to any mo- 
narch ; they represented to her, that Columbus was a man of 
sound understanding, and virtuous character, well qualified by 
his experience in navigation, as well as his knowledge of geome- 
try, to form just ideas with respect to the structure of the globe, 
and the situation of its various regions ; and that by offering to 
risk his own life and fortune in the execution of his scheme, thej 
gave the most satisfying evidence both of his integrity and hope 
of success ; that the sum requisite for equi ping such an arma- 
ment- was inconsiderable, and the advantages that might accrue 
from his undertaking, were immense; that he demanded no re- 
compense for his invention and labour, but what was to arise 
from the countries which he should discover; that as it was wor- 
thy of her magnanimity, to make this noble attempt to extend 
the sphere of human knowledge, and to opeu an intercourse with 
regions hitherto unknown ; that Columbus was on his way to 
foreign countries, where some prince would close with his pro- 
posals, and Spain would forever bewail the fatal timidity which 
had excluded her from the glory and advantges that she had 
once in her power to have enjoyed. 

These powerful arguments urged by persons of such authority, 
and at a juncture so well chosen, had the desired effect. Isabella's 
doubts and fears were all dispelled ; she ordered Columbus in- 
stantly to be recalled, declared her resolution of employing him 
on his own terms, and regretting the low state of her finances, 
generously offered to pledge her own jewels in order to raise as 
much money as would be wanted for making the necessary pre- 
parations for the voyage. Santangel transported with gratitude 



16 HISTOIIV OF 

kissed the queen's hand, and rather than she should have 10 
course to such a mortifying expedient for procuring money, en- 
gaged to advance immediately the sum that was requisite. 

Columbus, ignorant of this change in his favour, had proceeded 
some leagues on his journey, v. hen the messenger overtook him, 
Upon receiving the account so fluttering to his hopes, he returned 
directly to Santo Fe, not without some diffidence mingled with his 
joy. But the cordial reception which he met with from Isabella, 
together with the near prospect of setting out upon that voyage 
which had so long engrossed his thoughts and wishes, soon effa- 
ced the remembrance of past sufferings, during eight years 
tedious solicitation and anxious suspense. 

The negociation now went on with facility and despatch ; and 
a treaty with Columbus was signed on the seventeenth of April; 
14$£. The chief articles of it were : 

1. Ferdinand and Isabella, as sovereigns of the ocean, consti- 
tuted Columbus their high admiral in all the seas, islands, and 
continents, which should be discovered by his industry : and 
stipulated, that he, and his heirs forever, should enjoy this office, 
with the same powers and prerogatives, which Belonged to the 
high admiral of Castile, wiihin the limits of his jurisdiction. 

2. They appointed Columbus their viceroy in all the islands 
and continents he should discover ; but if, for the better adminis- 
tration of affairs, it should hereafter be necessary to establish 
a separate governor in any of those countries, they authorized 
Columbus to name three persons, of whom they would choose one 
for that office ; and the dignity of viceroy, with all its immunities 
was likewise to be hereditary in the family of Columbus. 

3. They granted to Columbus, and his heirs forever, the tenth 
of the free profits accruing from the productions and commerce of 
the countries, vihich lie should discover. 

4. They declared, that if any controversy or law suit, should 
arise with respect to any mercantile transaction, in the countries 
which might be discovered, it should be determined by the sole 
authority of Columbus, or of judges to be appointed by him. 

5. They permitted Columbus -to advance one eighth part of 
what should be expended in preparing tor the expedition, and 
in carrying on commerce with the countries which he should dis- 
cover; and entitled him in return to an eighth part of the profit. 

Notwithstanding the name of Ferdinand appears conjoined 
with that of Isabella in this transaction, his distrust of Columbus 
was so violent that he refused to take any part in the enterprize, 
as king of Arragon. As the vvhole expense of the expedition, 
excepting the part Columbus was to furnish, was defrayed by 
the crown of Castile, Isabella reserved for her subjects of that 
kingdom, an exclusi\e right to all the benefits which might re- 
dound from its success. 



AMERICA. 



Zn%:zi*^™™ A activit ^ in f - wa,dinsthe [,re * 

Pa u t '*T 9 "* th of May. all that depended on her was adjusted ; 

iW e t | V ai ed on the king and queen, in order to receive 

ami Colum M ™£d on t . * espe cting the destination 

t ': i !,"' fi "f iThe voyage wa/comudtted entirely to his wisdom 
and ^ mm ^°J a t they mi ght avoid giving any just cause 
'f d r"to the kmVof Portugal, they strictly enjoined Mm not 
Of ottencto th * m | ueSe / ettleraent8 on , he coast of 

SLSJTir ta "5 of the other countries, to which they tt^ 

K u.t n ot onl v raised among them what he wanted ot the sum 
da he was bound bv treaty to advance, but engaged several ot 
,1 to accompany him in the voyage. The ch.ef of the.j asso- 
ciates were three brothers of the name of Pinzon, of conside.abh. 
wcaHh?and of great experience in naval affairs, who were Wil- 
ling to hazard their lives and fortunes in the enterprise. 

But. notwithstanding ail the endeavours and efforts of Isabella 
and Columbus, the armament wa> not Suitable to the dignity ot 
the nation bv which it was equipped, or to the importance of the 
service for which it was destined. It consisted of three vessels 
only ; the largest, a ship of no considerable burden, was com- 
manded by Columbus, as admiral, who gave it the name of Santa 
Maria, ou{ of respect to the blessed virgin, whom he honoured 
with singular devoti on. Ol the second, called La Pmta, Martin 
Alo-vzo Piiizon was captain, and his brother Francis, pilot I he 
third, named: La Nigi.a, was under the command ot Vincent 
Yanez I'inzon: those two were hardly superior in burden and 
force to large boats. This squadron, if it merits the name, was 
victualled lor twelve months, and had on board ninety men, 
m >,tlv sailors, together with a few adventurers, who to lowed the 
fortune of Columbus, and some gentlemen ot Isabella s court, 
whom she appointed to accompany him. Though the expense ot 
the undertaking was one of the circumstances that chiefly alarm- 
ed the court .f Spain, and retarded so long the negociati us with 
Columbus, the sum employed in fitting out this squadron did not 
exceed four thousand pounds. 

The art of ship building in the fifteenth century was extremely 
ide, and the bulk and construction of vessels were accomiu ..- 



rude, 



JO HISTORY OF 

dated to the short and easy voyages alon* the co . ■ . «i 
were accustomed to perform. It is a , reof of < W ^ t,,ej i 
courage ot Columbus^., he venture*! K f .t>n f 
d stant navigation, to explore unknown seat Thi ?"]* 1"' * 
chart to gu.de him, no knowledge of the tides ad c he J" 1 ", 
no experience ot the dat*ers to whirl, in „n Merits, and 
would he exposed. His eagerness tot™ r M bilit * he 
made him overlook every Sneer ami AM ^ W t[esi -» 
ward the l^l^tlon.^^^J^ "*$*<*'• 

sts ,sabella ' that ** thi °* - si ffiaa c 

all the persons under his command TT'- 1 * 6 ' t»S et »«*ith 

sion to. -the monaste v of Rabda AftT r" •° lemn ^° C ^ 

our Lord 149=2, the fleet sailed a little "before « un ri -J *a °f 
*P they rather hoped than expeTd ° f th ° ,r V °^ e > 

W or fresi J^Vm 
^a^ffirtr- ,ie i ~ iia,t! ^ ^ ib.«s t ™ k of 

frequei ed'sea! 1' T"' Se rtu S WeSt ' ancl st K^ed into un- 
from Zktt i ' e calmness <>f the whether prevented them 

- o^htofland P^ eS V hefi , tsU,a ^ butu » the second " 

bo Jdnetsof ttli rh f. sa,lo L rs de J e <=ted and dismayed at the 

M if SeVUre „ aklD - S - b ^ their breasts, and shed tears, 

dent of Lie , ! rer r a f ? V S6e the ,a,ld - Columbus, conn- 

ss«ofthevnt' e0mf T^ d the:n witl > assurances of a happy 

Srs n till?' Se ' iUKl - he P ros f ect of vasl wealth. Pi J 

should CSo «™ M i &Plnt f the CreW ' taU - ht Columbus th "t he 

Su ral ; for lit „ f g T r Whe 1 d,Mt ^ besides what was 

natural tor ln lB to expect from the nature of the undertaking 



AMERICA. 19 

Fortunately for himself, and for the country which employed 
him, to an ardent inventive genius, he joined other virtues but 
rarely united \>ith them: he possessed a perfect knowledge of 
mankind, an insinuating address, a patient per-everance, in ex- 
ecuting any plan, the full and entire government of his own 
passions, and the art of acquiring the direction of other men's. 

These qualities which eminently formed him for command, 
were accompanied with that experience and knowledge in hi* 
profession, which begets confidence in times of difficulty and 
danger. 

The Spanish sailors accustomed only to coasting voyages in the 
Mediterranean; the knowledge of Columbus, the fruit of thirty 
years experience, improved by the inventive skill of the Portu- 
guese, appeared immense. 

When they were at sea, he superintended the execution of 
every order; and allowing himself only a few hours lor rest, he 
was almost constantly on deck. His course lying through seas 
not formerly visited ; the sounding line or quadrant were seldom 
out of his hands. He attended to the motions of the tides and 
currents, watched the flights of birds, the appearance of fishes, 
of sea weeds and every thing that floated upon the water, enter- 
ing cxery occurrence in his journal. 

Expecting the length of the voyage would alarm the sailors, 
Columbus concealed from them tne real progress which thev 
made. He employed the artifice of reckoning short, dining die 
whole voyage. The fourteenth of September, the fleet was above 
two hundred leagues to the west of the Canaries : the greatest 
distance from laud that any Spaniard had been before that time. 

But now they were struck with an appearance that was as- 
tonishing, because it was new. The magnetic needle did not 
point exactly to the Polar Star, but varied a degree towards the 
west ; and as they proceeded, this variation increased. Although 
this is now familiar, it still remains one of the mysteries of na- 
ture into the cause of which the sagacity of man has not been aole 
to penetrate, and filled the companions of Columbus with tenor. 

They were now far from the usiiai course of navigation, nature 
itself seemed altered, and the only guide they had left, seemed 
to fail them. Columbus, with admirable presence of miud, in- 
vented a plausible reason for this appearance, which had an effect 
to dispel their fears, or silence ther murmurs. He still steered 
due west, nearly in the latitude of the Canaries, in this direc- 
tion he came within the course of the trade winds, which blow 
invariable from east to west. 

He advanced betore this stead/gale with such rapidity, *that 
it was seldom necessary to shift a sail. 

About four huudred leagues west of the Canaries the sea was 
so covered with weeds that it resembled a meadow of vast extent 



20 HISTORY OF 

and was in some places so thick as to impede the progress ot the 
ve-sels. This was cause ot* fresh alarm : the seamen imagined 
this was the utmost boundary of the ocean : and that these float- 
ing; weeds concealed dangerous rocks, or a large tract of land, 
which had sunk in that place. Columbus persuaded them that, 
instead of alarming, it ought rather to encourage them, to consi- 
der it as a sigh of approaching land. At the same time a brisk 
gale sprung up. and carried them forwards. Several birds were 
seen noVering; ahout the ship, and directing their flight towards 
trie est. The de sparing crew resumed some degree of spirit, 
and be&ari to entertain fresh hope*. 

Upon the first day of October they were advanced seven bun- 
dre tl and seventv leagues west of the Canaries; hut he persuaded 
hfe men that he had only proceeded fi\e hundred and eighty four 
leagues; and fortunately for Columbus, neither his own pilot, 
nor tin se of the other ships could discover the dtceit. 

Three v ecks lad now elapsed and no land appeared, all their 
prognostics had proved fallacious, and their prospects of success 
weie now as distant as ever. These reflections made strong im- 
pressions, at first, on the timid and ignorant, and extended, by 
degrees, to those who were better informed, or more resolute. 
The contagion spread, at length, from ship to ship. From secret 
whispeis and murmurings, they proceeded to open cabals and 
lend complaints. 

They charged their sovereign with foolish credulity, in rely- 
ing on the %ain promises and rash- conjectures of an indigent fo- 
reigner. They affirmed that they had fully performed then duty, 
b) venturing in a hopeless cause, and that they would beinstifia- 
bie in refusing any longet to follow such a desj>er*te adventurer 
to ceitam deduction. They contended that it was high time to 
think of returning to Spain, while their crazy vessels were still 
in a condition to keep the sea, hut hey feared they attempt would 
be impracticable, as the wind which hitherto had been favouia- 
ble in their course, would make it impossible to sail in an oppo- 
site direction; 

'Ihey all agreed thvd Columbus should be compelled by force 
to aiiept a measure, on which their safety depended. Some were 
foi throwing him overboaid. and getting rid ot his remonstran- 
ces, being persuaded that, upon their return to Spai% Ids tieath 
would excite little concern, and be inquired into with no curi- 
osity. Columbus was not ignorant of his perilous situation ; he 
saw that the disaffection of his crew was ready to burst forth into 
open mutiny, He affected to seem ignorant of all their designs, 
and appeared with a cheerful countenance like a man fully satis- 
fied wi h the progress he bad made, and confident of success. 
Sometimes he endeavoured to work upon their ambition and 
avarice, by magnificent descriptions of the fame and wealth which 



AMERICA. $\ 

they would in all probability acquire. On other occasions he as. 
sumed a tone of authority, and threatened them with vengeance 
from their sovereign, if by their cowardly behaviour, they should 
defeat the most noble effort to promote the glory of God, and ex- 
alt the Spanish name over every other nation. 

The words of a man they were accustomed to obey and rever- 
ence, were weighty and persuasive. They not only restrained 
them from violent excesses, but prevailed with them to accompa- 
ny their admiral some time longer; 

As they advanced in their course, signs of approaching land 
were frequent. Birds appeared in flocks, and directed theirflight 
towards the south west. In imitation of the Portuguese, who in 
their several discoveries were guided by the motion of birds, Co- 
lumbus altered his course from due west, to that quarter whither 
they pursued their flight- Holding on in this direction for several 
days, but with no better success than formerly, and having seen 
no land for thirty days, their hopes subsided quicker than they 
had arisen: their fears revived with additional force; impatience, 
rage, and despair, were visible in every countenance. \11 subor- 
dination was lost; the officers had hitherto concurred in opinion 
with Columbus, but now took part with the men; thev assembled 
and mixed threats with expostulations, and required hiui instant- 
ly to tack about, and return to Spain. 

Columbus perceived it would be in vain to practise his former 
arts, or to endeavour to rekindle any zeal for the enterprise in 
men, in whose breasts fear had extinguished every noble senti- 
ment. It was therefore necessary, to soothe passions, which it 
was impossible to command, and give way to a torrent too impe- 
tuous to be checked. He therefore solemnly promised them, tha» 
if they would continue to obey his commands, and accompany 
him three days longer, and if during that time, land were not 
discovered, he would then abandon the enterprise, and direct 
his course towards Spain. 

This proposition did not appear to them unreasonable : en- 
raged as they were, they yielded to the proposition. Columbus 
saw the presages of approaching land so numerous and certain, 
that he did not hazard much in confining himself to so short a 
term. For some days the sounding line reached the bottom, and 
the soil which it brought up was a strong indication that the land 
was at no great distance. The land birds which made their ap- 
pearance, confirmed their hopes. 

The crew of La Pinta observed a cane floating, which seemed 
to be newly cut, and likewise a piece of timber artificially carv- 
ed. The sailors on board La Niema, took up the brancti of a 
tree with red berries, perfectly fresh. The air was more mild 
and warm, and the clouds around the setting sun assumed a, 
new appearance. 



22 .HISTORY OF 

Columbus was now so confident of being near land, that on the 
evening of the eleventh of October, after public prayers for suc- 
cess, he ordered the ships to lie by, and a strict watch kept, lesj, 
they should be driven on shore in "the night. During this interval 
of suspense, and anxious expectation, no man closed his eyes ; 
but all kept on deck looking intently towards that part from 
whence they supposed land would appear, which had been so 
long the object of their most anxious wishes. 

About two hours before midright Columbus, standing on the 
forecastle, observed a light at a distance, and privately pointed it 
out to Pedro Guttierez. a page of the queen's wardrobe. Gut- 
tierez perceived it, and called to Salcedo, comptroller of the fleet, 
all three saw it move as from place to place. A little after mid- 
night, the joyful sound of Land! Land! was heard from La 
Pinta, which always kept a-head of the other ships. Deceived 
so often, by fallacious appearances, they were slow of belief, and 
waited in anxious suspense for the return of day. 

When the morning dawned, all their doubts and fears were 
dispelled; they discovered an island about two leagues to the 
north, whose verdant fields and woods watered with many rivu- 
lets, presented to them the aspect of a delightful country. 

The crew of La Pinta instantly began the Te Deum, as a 
hymn of thanksgiving to God; and were joined by the crews of 
the other ships, with tears of joy. and transports of congratula- 
tion. This act of devotion, was followed by an act of justice to 
their commander: they fell at his feet with feelings of Wlf-e$Ur 
demnation, inspired with reverence. They implored his pardon- 
for their ignorance, incredulity, and insolence, which had creat- 
ed him so much unnecessary disquiet, and passing from one ex- 
treme to another, in the warmth of their imagination they now 
pronunced him, whom they had lately reviled and threatened, 
to be a person divinely inspired with sagacity and fortitude more 
than human, that could accomplish a design beyond the ideas 
and conceptions of all former ages. 

When the sun arose, the boats were all manned and armed, 
with colours displayed, warlike music, and other martial pomp; 
they rowed towards the shore: as they appioached, they saw a 
multitude of people, whose gestures expressed wonder and as- 
tonishment at the novel and strange objects which presented 
themselves to their view 

Columbus was the first European that set his foot on the new 
world. He landed in a rich dress, and with a drawn sword in his 
hand. His men followed, with the royal standard displayed, 
and kneeling down, kissed the ground they had so long desired 
to see. They then erected a crucifix, and prostrating them- 
selves before it, returned thanks to God, for thus concluding 
their voyage to so happy an issue. 



AMERICA. & 

They then, in a solemn manner, took possession of the country 
for the crown of Castile and Leon, with all the formalities usual 
with the portaguese to observe in all their discoveries. While 
the Spaniards were thus employed, they were surrounded by the 
natives, who in silent admiration, sjazed upon actions, the mean- 
ing of which they could not comprehend, or foresee the conse- 
quences. 

The dress of the Spaniards, the whiteness of their skin, their 
beards, arms and accoutrements, aopeared strange and surpriz- 
ing. The vast machines in which they traversed the ocean, that 
appeared to move upon the waters with win$s uttering a dreadful 
sound, like thunder accompanied With Hghfcnidg and sm )ke, fil- 
led them with terror, and inspired tw^.n with a belief that the'u' 
new guests were a superior order of beings, concluding they 
were children of the sun, who had descended to visit the earth. 
The Spaniards were as much amazed at the scene before them. 
The trees, the shrubs, the herbage, were all different from those 
which were of European growth. The climate was warm, 
though extremely delightful. The inhabitants appeared in the sim- 
ple innocence of nature, entirely naked. Their black hair, long 
and uncurled, floated upon their shoulders, or was bound in tres- 
ses round their heads. They had no beards, and every part of 
their bodies was perfectly smooth, of a copper colour, their fea- 
tures not disagreeable, of a gentle and timid aspect. They were 
well shaped and active. Their faces and bodies were painted 
in a fantastical manner, with glaring colours. They appeared 
shy at first, but soon became familiar, and with transports of joy 
received glass beads and other baubles, in return for which they 
gave such provisions as they had, and some cotton yarn, the only 
commodity of value they had to trade with. 

In the evening Columbus returned to his ships in company with 
many of the islanders in their canoes, which they managed with 
surprizing dexterity. 

Every circumstance relating to this first interview, between 
the inhabitants of the old and new world was conducted with 
harmony and satisfaction. The former, enlightened and influ- 
enced by ambition, formed vast ideas respecting the future ad- 
vantages that would likely accrue from the discovery. The lat- 
ter, simple and unsuspecting:, had no forethought of the calami- 
ties and desolation which were soon to overwhelm their country. 
Columbus, as admiral and viceroy, called the island San Salva- 
dor. It is nevertheless better known by the name of Guanahani, 
which the natives gave to it, and is one of the Bahama isles. It 
is situated above' three thousand miles to the west or Gomera, 
from which the squadron took its departure, and only four de* 
grees south of it. Columbus employed the next day in visiting 
the coasts of the island, and from the general poverty of the 



£4 HISTORY OF 

inhabitants, he was assured that this was not the rich country 
which he sought. 

Having observed small plates of gold, which most of the peo- 
ple wore by way of ornament, pendant in their nostrils, he eag- 
erly inquired where they found that precious metal. They 
pointed towards the south and south west, and made him com- 
prehend by signs, that there was abundance of gold in countries 
situated in that quarter. 

Animated with hope, he determined to direct his course thi- 
ther, in full expectation of finding those wealthy regions which 
had been the main object of his voyage. With this view he again 
set sail, taking with him seven of the innocent natives, to serve 
as interpreters, who esteemed it a mark of distinction when they 
were selected to accompany him. 

In his course he passed several islands, and touched at three 
of them which lie called Mary, Ferdinanda, and Isabella. But 
as the soil and inhabitants resembled those of San Salvador, he 
made no stay there. He inquired every where for gold, and 
was answered as before that it was brought from the south. Fol- 
lowing that course he soon discovered a country of vast extent 
diversified with rising grounds — hiils, rivers, woods, and plains. 
He was unceitain whether it would prove an island or part of the 
continent. The natives he had on board called it Cuba: Colum- 
bus gave it the name of Juanna. He entered the mouth of a 
large river with his squadron, and the natives all fled to the 
mountains as he approached the fhore. 

Intending to careen his ships in that place, Columbus sent 
some Spaniards, together with one of the San Salvador Indians, 
to view the interior parts of the country. 

Having advanced above sixty miles from the shore, they re- 
ported upon their return, that the soil was richer and more cul- 
tivated, than what they had already discovered; that besides 
scattered cottages, they had found one village, containing one 
thousand inhabitants ; that the people, though naked, were more 
intelligent than those of San Salvador, but had treated them with 
the same respectful attention, kissing their feet, and honouring 
them as sacred beings, allied to Heaven; that they gave them 
a certain root, which in taste resembled roasted chesnuts, and 
likewise a singular species of corn, called mai%e, that was ve- 
ry palatable; and that there seemed to be no four-footed animals, 
except a species of dogs that could not bark, and a creature re- 
sembling a rabbit, but smaller; that they had observed some or- 
naments of gold among the people, but of no great value. 

Some of the natives accompanied these messengers; thev in- 
formed Columbus as the others had done, that the gold he was so 
anxiously solicitous about, ^as to be found to the southward ; of- 
ten mentioning the word Cubanacan, by which they meant the. 



AMERICA. 25 

inland part of Cuba; Columbus ignorant of their pronunciation, 
and believing the country he had discovered, to be a part of the 
East Indies. Under the influence of this idea, he thought they 
spoke of the great Kahn, and imagined the opulent kingdom of 
Cathay was ifot very remote. 

The natives as much astonished, at the eagerness of the Spa- 
niards for gold, as the Europeans were at their ignorance and 
simplicity, pointed towards the east, where was an island called 
Hayti, in which that metal was more abundant. Columbus or- 
dered his squadron to steer its course (hither; but Martin Alonzo 
Pinzo, eager to be the first in taking possession of the rich trea- 
sure, which the island was supposed to contain, quitted his com- 
panions, and paid no regard to the admiral's signals to slacken 
sail, until they should come up with him. Retarded by contrary 
winds, Columbus did not reach Hayti, until the sixth of Decem- 
ber. He called the port where he first landed St. Nicholas, and 
the island itself Espagnola, in honour of the kingdom by which 
he was employed ; and it is the only country that he discovered., 
that still bears the name which he gave it. 

As he could not have any intercourse with the inhabitants, who 
fled in great consternation, he soon left St. Nicholas, and sailed 
along the northern coast of the island : he entered another har- 
bour which he called Conception. Here he was more fortunate; a 
woman who was flying from them was overtaken ; and after treat- 
ing her kindly, she was dismissed with presents of such toys as to 
an Indian were considered most valuable. When she returned to* 
her countrymen with her imagination heated with what she had 
seen, she gave such a flattering description of the new corners : at 
the same time producing the trinkets she had received; that they 
were eager to partake of the same favours. Their fears being 
removed, many of them repaired to the harbour. Here their 
curiosity and wishes were amply gratified. They nearly resem- 
bled the other natives they had already seen, naked, ignorant*, 
and simple, credulous and timid to a degree, which made it easy 
to acquire an ascendant over them; they were led into the same 
error as the other inhabitants who believed them to be more than 
mortals, descended immediately from Heaven. They possessed 
gold in greater abundance than their neighbours, which they 
cheerfully parted >• ith for bells, beads, or pins 5 and in this une- 
qual traffic, both parties were highly pleased, each considering 
themselves as gainers by the transaction. A prince or cazique of 
the country made Columbus a visit at this place. He appeared 
in all the pomp of Indian magnificence: he was carried in a sor' 
of palanquin by four men, and a numerous train of attendant 
who approached him with respectful attention. His dfeportny 
was grave, and stately; to his own people very reserved, by 
the Spaniards open and extremely courteous. He gave tin! 

c 



HISTORY OF 

miral some thin plates of gold, and a girdle curiously wrought 
afrer the Indian fashion. Columbus in return, mack him pre- 
sents of small value to a European, but highly prized by the 
savage chief. Columbus's thoughts continually occupied with 
the prospect of discovering gold mines, interrogated all the na- 
tives he met with concerning their situation. All his interroga- 
tives were answered by their pointing to a mountainous country 
which in their language was called Cibao, at some distance 
from the sea, towards the east, struck with the name, he no 
longer doubted but that it was Cipango, a name by which Mar- 
co Polo distinguished t!ne islands of Japan : which strengthened 
him in that erroneous opinion he had embraced, that the country 
he had discovered was a remote part of Asia. 

In full confidence of the rectitude of his opinion, he directed 
his course towards the east. He put into a commodious harbour 
which he named St. Thomas: this part of the country was 
governed by a powerful cazique named Guacanahari, who was one 
of the five sovereigns among whom the whole island was divided. 
He immediately sent messengers to Columbus with a present of 
a mask of beaten gold, curiously fashioned, and invited him to 
his town near the harbour, now called cape Francois. Colum- 
bus returned the cazique's civilities by a deputation of some of 
his own people; who returned with such favourable accounts 
of the country and people, as made Columbus impatient for that 
interview which Guacanahari had desired. 

For tins purpose he sailed from hft. Thomas on the twenty- 
fourth of December with a fair wind and smooth sea ; and as he 
had not slept for two days, at midnight lie retired to take some 
repose, committing the helm to the pilot, .strictly enjoining him 
not to quit it for a moment. But he, dreading; no danger, incau- 
tiously gave the helm in charge to the cabin boy, and the ship 
was carried away by the current, and dashed against a rock. 
The violence of the concussion awakened Columbus. He imme- 
diately went upon deck, and there he found all was confusion 
and despair. He alone retained presence of mind. He imme- 
diately ordered some sailors to take a boat and carry out an an- 
enur astern : but they, instead of complying with the orders of 
tnelr admiral, made oft* to La Nigna, about half a league dis- 
tant. He then commanded the masts to be cut down, but ail his 
endeavours were too late: the vessel filled so fast with water, 
that it was impossible to save her. The smoothness of the sea, 
ami. the timely assistance from La Ni^na, enabled the crew to 
9«ve their lives. The natives, as soon as they heard of this 
disaster, crowded to the shore with Guacanahari at their head, 
v.ni\ lamented their misfortune with tears of sincere condolence. 
IVu tney did not rest satisfied with this unavailing expression of 
their sorrow £ they launched a vast number of canons, and under 



AMERICA. 27 

the direction of Spaniards rendered important services, in saving 
the property out of the wreck; Guacanahari in person took 
charge of the goods as they were landed ; and hy his orders 
were all deposited in one place, and posted sentinels to keep the 
multitude at a distance. 

Next morning this prince visited Columbus, who was on board 
of La Nigna, and in the warmth of affection offered all he had to 
repair his loss. Such tender assiduity and sincere condolence in 
a savage, afforded Columbus that relief his agitated spirits stood 
in need of. Columbus hitherto had heard no account of La 
Pinta, and suspected, not without cause, that his treacherous 
associate had set sail for Europe, that be might claim the merit 
of carrying the first tidings of the discoveries to Spain, and so» 
far gain the attention of his sovereign as to rob Columbus of the 
glory and reward to which he was justly entitled. But one ves- 
sel now remained, and (hat the smallest and most crazy of the 
squadron: in which they were compelled to traverse a vast 
ocean, with so many men, back to Europe. 

To remedy this last inconvenience, he proposed to his men the 
great advantages that would accrue by leaving some of them or* 
the island, to learn the language of the natives, study their dis- 
position, examine the country, search for mines, and prepare for 
the commodious settlement of the colony, for which he proposed 
to return, and secure those advantages which it was reasonable 
to expect from his discoveries. To this proposal all his men 
assented, and many offered voluntarily to remain behind. Gua- 
canahari was pleased with the proposition, as he conceived that 
with such powerful allies, he should be able to repel the attacks 
of a warlike and fierce people he called CaribeansJ who some- 
times invaded his dominions, delighting in blood, and devoured 
the flesh of the prisoners, who unhappily fell into their hands. 
Guacanahari, as he was speaking of these dreadful invaders, dis- 
covered such symptoms of terror, as well as consciousness of the 
inability of his.own people to resist them, that led Columbus to 
believe such a proposal would be very agreeable. Guacanahari, 
closed instantly with the proposal, and thought himself safe un- 
der the protection of beings sprung from heaven, and superior in 
power to mortal men. 

The ground was marked out for a small fort, which was called, 
by Columbus, Navidad, because it was Christmas-day when he 
landed there. A deep ditch was drawn around it : the ram- 
parts were fortified, and the great guns saved out of the admi- 
ral's ship were planted upon them. In ten days the work was 
completed ; the simple unsuspecting Indians, laboured with in- 
considerate assiduity, in erecting this first monument of their 
own servitude. The high opinion the natives had of the Span- 
iards, was increased by the caresses and liberality of Columbus ; 



£8 HISTORY Or 

but while he wished to inspire them with confidence in their dis* 
position to do good, he also wished to give them some striking 
idea of their power to punish and destroy such as provoked their 
just indignation. With this view, he drew up his men in order 
of battle, in view of a vast concourse of people, and made an 
ostentatious display of the force of the Spanish arms. 

These rude people, strangers to any hostile weapons, but 
wooden swords, javelins hardened in the fire, and reeds poiuted 
^ith the bones of fishes, admired and trembled, that the sudden 
explosion of the great guns, struck them with such terror and 
astonishment, that they fell flat to the ground, and covered their 
faces with their hands 5 and when they beheld the effects of the 
balls, they were persuaded that it was impossible to resist men 
who came armed with thunder and lightning against their ene- 
mies. After giving such powerful impressions of the power and 
beneficence of the Spaniards, Columbus chose out thirty-eight 
of his people to remain on the island. The command of these 
was given to Diego de Arada, a gentleman of Cordova : Colum- 
bus investing him with the same powers which he had himself 
received from his royal patrons, after furnishing him with every 
thing requisite for this infant colony. He strongly insisted on 
their preserving concord amongst themselves, a prompt and 
ready obedience to their commander, and the maintenance of 
a friend! > intercourse with the natives, as the surest means of their 
preservation. That they should cultivate the friendship of Gua- 
canahari, but not put themselves in his power by straggling in 
small parties from the fort. He then took his leave, after pro- 
mising to, revisit them soon with a reinforcement sufficient to 
take full possession of the country. He further promised to 
place their merit in a conspicuous light to the king and queen. 

Having thus taken every precaution to secure the colony, he 
left Navidad on the fourth day of January, 1495, and steering to- 
wards the east on the sixth, he discovered La Pinta, after a sepa- 
ration of more than six weeks. Pinzon endeavpured to justify 
his conduct, pretending that he had been driven from his course 
fay stress of weather, and prevented from returning by contrary 
winds. Columbus, though no stranger to his perfidious intentions, 
as well as the falsehood he urged in his defence, was so sensible 
that it was not a proper time for exerting his authority, and was 
so pleased with joining his consort, as it delivered him from some 
uneasy apprehensions, that he admitted the apology without 
difficulty, and restored him to favour. Columbus now found it 
necessary, from the eagerness which his men shewed to visit 
their native country, and the crazy condition of his ships, to 
hasten his return to Europe. 

With this view, on the sixteenth of January, he directed his 
course to the north-east, and was soon out of "sight of his newly 



AMERICA. 29 

'discovered country. He had some of the natives whom he hid 
taken ft om different islands on board; and besides the gold, 
which was the principal object of research, he had specimens of 
all the productions which were likely to become subjects of com- 
merce, as well as many strange birds and other natural curiosi- 
ties, which might attract the attention, and excite the wonder of 
the people. 

The voyage was prosperous to the fourteenth of February, at 
which time they had advanced five hundred leagues, when the 
wind began to rise, and blow with increasing rage, till it termi- 
nated in a violent hurricane. Columbus's naval skill and experi- 
ence was severely put to the proof; destruction seemed inevita- 
ble ; the sailors had recourse to prayers, and to the invocation 
of saints, to vows and charms, to every thing that religion or 
superstition suggests to the affrighted mi rid. No prospect of 
deliverance appearing, despair was visible in every counte- 
nance, and*they expected every moment to be swallowed up by 
the waves. Columbus had to endure feelings peculiar to him- 
self. He dreaded that all the knowledge of his discoveries 
would be lost to the world, and that his name would descend to 
posterity as that of a rash deluded adventurer, instead of being 
transmitted with the honour due to the author and conductor of 
the noblest enterprize that had ever been undertaken. Reflec- 
tions like these extinguished all sense of his own personal dan- 
ger. More solicitous to preserve the memory of what he had 
achieved, than the preservation of his own life, he retired to his 
cabin, and wrote upon parchment a short account of the voyage 
he had made* the course he had taken, and of the riches and 
situation of the country he had discovered, and of the small 
colony he had left there. 

Having wrapped this up in an oiled cloth, which he enclosed 
in a cake of wax, he then carefully put it into a cask, effectu- 
ally stopping it to keep out the water, he threw it into the sea, 
in hopes that some fortunate accident might preserve a deposit 
of so much importance to the world. Providence at length inter- 
posed to save so valuable a life. The wind abated, the sea became 
calm, and on the evening of the fifteenth they discovered land, 
which they soon knew to be St. Mary, one of the Azores, or 
Western islands, subject to the crov/n of Portugal. There he 
obtained a supply of provisions, and such other things as he had 
need of. There was one circumstance that greatly disquieted 
him: La Pinta had separated from him during the hurricane; 
he was apprehensive that she had foundered, and that all her 
crew had perished: after wards, his former suspicions revived, 
that Prazon had borne away for Spain, that he might reach it 
before him, and give the first account of his discoveries. In 

C 2 



SO HISTORY OF 

order to prevent this he proceeded on his voyage as soon as the 
weather would permit. 

At no great distance from the coast of Spain, another storm 
arose, little inferior to the former in violence ; and after driving 
before it, during; two days and two night?, he was forced to take 
shelter in the river Tagus. Upon application to the king of Por- 
tugal, he was allowed to come up to Lisbon; Columbus was re- 
ceived with all the marks of distinction due to a man who had 
performed things so extraordinary and unexpected. The king 
admitted him into his presence, treated him with great respect, 
and listened to the account he gave of his voyage, with admi- 
ration mingled with regret. 

Columbus was now able to prove the solidity of his schemes, 
to those very persons, who with an ignorance disgraceful to them- 
selves, and fatal to their country, had lately rejected them as 
the projects of a visionary adventurer. Culumbus was so impa- 
tient to return to Spain, that he remained only five days at Lis- 
bon, and on the fifteenth of March, he arrived at the port of 
Palos, just seven months and eleven days, from the time he set 
out from thence upon his voyage. The inhabitants all ran eager- 
ly to the shore to welcome their relations, and fellow-citizens, 
and to hear tidings of their voyage. 

When the successful issue of it was known, when they beheld 
the strange appearance of the Indians, the unknown animals, and 
singular productions, of the newly discovered countries, the ef- 
fusion of joy was unbounded. The bells were rung, the cannon 
fired; Columbus was received at landing with royal honours, and 
all the people accompanied him and his crew, in solemn proces- 
sion, to church, where they returned thanks to heaven, which 
had so wonderfully conducted, and crowned with success, 
a voyage of greater length, and of more importance, than had 
been attempted in any former age. To add to the general joy, 
La Piata, on the evening of the day^entered the harbour. Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella were at Barcelona, they were no less astonish- 
ed than delighted, wiih the unexpected event: sent a messenger 
requesting him in terms the most respectful, to repair immedi- 
ately to court, that from himself they might receive a full detail 
of his extraordinary services, and discoveries. 

During his journey to Barcelona, the people flocked from the 
adjacent eountrv, following him with admiration and applause. 
His entrance into the city, was conducted, by order of Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella with extreme pomp, suitable to the great event 
which added such distinguishing; lustre to their reign. The peo- 
ple whom he brought along with him, t'.^e natives of the coun- 
tries he had discovered, marched first, and by their singular com- 
plexion, the wild peculiarities of their features, and uncouth 
finery, appeared like men of anoiher species. Next to them were 



AMERICA. 31 

carried the ornaments of gold, fashioned by the rude art of the 
natives, grains of gold found in the mountains and rivers: after 
these appeared the various commodities of the new world and 
its curious productions : Columbus closed the procession and at- 
tracted the eyes of all the spectators, who could not sufficiently 
admire the man whose superior sagacity and fortitude, hud con- 
ducted their countrymen by a route unknown to past ages, to the 
knowledge of a new country, abounding with riches, and fer- 
tile as the best cultivated lands in Spain. 

Ferdinand and Isabella received him in their royal robes, seat- 
ed upon a throne under a magnificent canopy. They stood up as 
he approached, and raised him as he kneeled to kiss their hands. 
He then took his seat on a chair prepared for him, and by their 
majesties' orders, gave a circumstantial account of his voyage* 
He delivered it with that composure and dignity, so suitable to 
the Spanish nation, and with that modest simplicity so character- 
istic of great minds, that satisfied with having performed great 
actions, seeks not an ostentatious display of words to set them 
forth. When his narration was finished, the king and queen 
kneeled down and offered up thanks to Almighty God, for the 
discovery of those new regions, from which they expected so 
many advantages to flow into the kingdoms, subject to their go- 
vernment. 

Columbus was invested with every mark of honour, that gra- 
titude or admiration could suggest, confirming to him and his 
heirs the agreement made at Santa Fe. His family was enobled, 
the king and queen and the whole court treated him on every 
occasion with all the ceremonious respect, usually paid to per- 
sons of the highest rank. An order was immediately made (o equip 
without delay, an armament of such force, as might enable him 
to take possession of those countries which he had already dis- 
covered, as well as to search for those more opulent regions, 
which he still confidently expected to find. Columbus's fame now 
quickly spread over Europe, his successful voyage had excited 
general attention. 

Men of science spoke of it with rapture, and congratulated 
one another upon their felicity, in having lived at a period when 
the boundaries of" human knowledge, were so much extended. 

Various opinions were formed, concerning the new found coun- 
tries, and what division of the earth it belonged to Colum- 
bus erroneously and tenaciously adhered to his original idea, 
that they were part of those vast regions of Asia, comprehended 
under the general name of India : this sentiment gained strength 
from the productions of the countries he had discovered. Gold 
was known to abound in India, of which precious metal he had 
brought some samples from the islands he had visited* 

Cgtto»; another production oj' the. east> was common there, 



32 HISTORY OF 

The Pimento of the islands* he imagined to be a species of the 
East India pepper He mistook a root, somewhat resembling 
rhubarb, for that valuable drag, which was then supposed to be 
a plant peculiar to the East Indies; the birds were adorned with 
the same rich plumage, that distinguishes those of India. The 
alligator of the one country, was considered as the crocodile of 
the other. After weighing all these circumstances, the different 
nations of Europe adopted the opinion of Columbus; they con- 
sidered the countries he had discovered, as a part of India. 

The name of West Indies, was therefore given to them, by 
Ferdinand and Isabella even after the error was detected, and 
the true position of the new world known: the name still re- 
mains, and the appellation of West Indies is given by all the 
people of Euiope to the country, and that of Indians to its in- 
habitants. 

The specimens of riches and the productions of the new 
country which Columbus produced were so alluring: and the 
exaggerated accounts of his companions (so natural to travellers) 
excited a wonderful spirit of enterprise among the Spaniards. 
Though unaccustomed to naval expeditions, they were eager to 
set out upon another voyage. Volunteers of all ranks were anx- 
iously solicitous to be employed. The vast prospect which open- 
ed to their imagination, flattered their ambition and their ava- 
rice ; neither the danger, nor length of the navigation intimidat- 
ed them. Jberdinand's natural caution gave way to the torrent 
of public opinion ; he seemed to have caught the same spirit with 
his subjects. 

Another expedition was carried on with a rapidity unusual to 
the Spaniards. A fleet consisting of seventeen ships was equip- 
ped ; some of which were of good burden : they had on board fifteen 
hundred persons, among whom were many of noble families, 
who had served in honourable stations. Most of these intend- 
ing to remain in the country, were furnished with every thing 
necessary for conquest or settlement, with all kinds of domes- 
tic animals, and also seeds and plants, that were likely to thrive 
in the climate of the West Indies, together with such utensils as 
might be useful in an infant colony : and artificers were engag- 
ed to attend the expedition. 

But formidable arid well provided as the fleet was, Ferdinand 
and Isabella, (slaves to the superstition of the fourteenth centu- 
ry) were not willing to rest their title to the possession of the 
newly discovered countries until they applied to the Roman 
pontiff, who in that age was. supposed to have a right of domin- 
ion over all the kingdoms of the earth. 

Alexander VI, a pontiff, infamous for every crime that dis- 
graces humanity, filled the papal throne at that time: as he was 
^oru Ferdinand's subject; and solicitous to procure that monarch's 



AMERICA. 33 

protection, in prosecuting; his ambitious schemes, in favour of 
his own family, he instantly complied with his request. By an 
act of liberality which cost him nothing, he bestowed upon Fer- 
dinand and Isabella all the countries inhabited by infidels which 
they had discovered, or should discover. And by virtue of that 
power which he pretended he derived from Jesus Christ, he vest- 
ed in the crown of Castile a right to vast regions, to the posses- 
sion of which he was so far from having any title, that he was 
unacquainted with their situation, and even with their existence; 
but that this grant should not seem to interfere with one he had 
made to the crown of Portugal, he appointed that a line supposed to 
be drawn from pole to pole one hundred leagues to the westward 
of the Azores should serve as a limit between them : and in the 
plentitude of his power, conferred all on the east of this imagi- 
nary line on the Portuguese, and all on the west of it upon the 
Spaniards. Zeal for propagating the Christian faith was the con- 
sideration employed by Ferdinand in soliciting this Bull, and 
pretended by Alexander to be his chief motive for granting it. 
Several friars, under the direction of Father Boyle, a Cataloni- 
an monk of great reputation, as apostolical vicar, were appoint- 
ed to accompany Columbus in this second expedition, who were 
to devote themselves to the instruction and conversion of the 
natives .Those who came over with Columbus, after being im- 
perfectly instructed in the Christian knowledge, were baptised 
with great solemnity ; the king himself, his son, and the chief 
persons of his court, standing as their sponsors. 

Ferdinand and Isabella having now acquired a title, which in 
that age was deemed completely valid, there was nothing now 
retarded the departure of the fleet. Columbus was impatient to 
revisit the colony he had left, and pursue that career of glory, 
upon which he had entered. He set sail from the bay of Cadiz 
on the twenty-fifth day of September, 1493, and steered farther 
towards the south than in the first expedition : by which he en- 
joyed more steadily the benefit of the regular winds which pre- 
dominate between the tropics, and was carried towards a large 
cluster of islands, situated considerably to the east of those which 
he had formerly discovered. 

On the second of November he made land, it was one of the 
Caribee or Leward islands, to which he gave the name of De- 
seada, on account of the impatience of his crew to discover some 
part of the New World. After this he touched successively at 
Dominica, Marigalante, Guadaloupe, Antigua, St. John de Porta 
Rico, and several other islands as he advanced towards the 
northwest. All these he found inhabited by that fierce race of 
people, whom Guacanahari had represented in such frightful 
colours. From them the Spaniards met with such a reception as 
convinced them gf their martial and daring spirit; and they 



34 HISTORY OF 

found in their habitations the relics of those horrid feasts, which 
they had made upon the bodies of their enemies taken in war. 
Columbus, eager to know the state of the colony he had left, 
proceeded directly for Hispaniola. When he arrived off Navidad, 
where he had left the thirty-eight men under the command of 
Arada, he was astonished that none of them appeared ; and 
expected every moment to see them running with transports of 
joy to welcome their countrymen. 

Foreboding in his mind what had befallen them, he rowed in- 
stantly to land. All the natives, from whom he might have re- 
ceived information, fled at his approach. The fort which he 
had built was demolished, and the tattered garments, the broken 
arms and utensils scattered about it, left no room to doubt con- 
cerning the unhappy fate of the garrison. 

While the Spaniards were lamenting over the sad memorials 
of their countrymen, a brother of the cazique Guacanahari ar- 
rived, who gave Columbus a particular detail of what had hap- 
pened after his departure from the island. The conduct of the 
Spaniards, and their familiar intercourse with the Indians, tend- 
ed to diminish that veneration with which they at first inspired 
them. 

As soon as the powerful restraints, which the presence and 
authority of Columbus imposed was withdrawn, the garrison 
threw of all subordination to the officer whom he had left in com- 
mand. They roamed as freebooters through the country : the 
gold, the women, the provisions, were all the prey of these licen- 
tious oppressors : they extended their rapacity to every corner 
of the island. Gentle and timid as the inhabitants were, un- 
provoked injuries at length roused their courage. 

The cazique of Cibao, v hose territories the Spaniards chief- 
ly infested, on account of the gold which they contained, sur- 
Siized and cut off* several strangling parties. He next assembled 
is subjects, surrounded the fort, and set it on fire. Some of the 
Spaniards were killed in defending it, the rest perished in at- 
tempting to escape, by crossing an arm of the sea. Guacanahari, 
who still retained his affection for the Spaniards, took up arms in 
their defenee, and received a wound, by which he was still con- 
fined. 

Columbus, although he entertained some suspicions of the 
fidelity of Guacanahari, yet he considered that this was not a 
proper time to inquire into his conduct : he, therefore reject- 
ed the advice of several of his officers, who urged him to seize the, 
person of that prince, and revenge the death of their country- 
men by attacking his subjects. He considered it necessary to 
secure the friendship of some potentate of the country, in or- 
der to facilitate the settlement which he intended. Therefore, in 
order to prevent any future injury, he made' choice of a more 



/ 



AMERTCA. 35 

healthy situation tlian that of Navidad. He traced out the plan 
of a town in a large plain before a spacious bav, and made eve- 
ry person put his hand to work on which their common satiety 
depended ; the houses and ramparts were soon so far advanced 
by their united labour, as to afford them shelter and security. 

This being the first city founded in the new world, by the Eu- 
ropeans, Columbus named it Isabella, in honour of his patroness, 
the queen of Castile. Columbus had to sustain all the hardships 
in carrying on this necessary work, and encounter all the diffi- 
culties to which infant colonies are exposed, when they settle in 
an uncultivated country: he had also to contend with what was 
more difficult and insuperable, the laziness, the impatience, and 
the mutinous disposition of his followers. The natural inactiv- 
ity of the ^paniasds, seemed to increase under the enervating 
influence of a hot climate. Some of them were gentlemen un- 
used to bodily fatigue ; they had engaged in the enterprize with 
the sanguine hopes, excited by the splendid and exaggerated ac- 
counts, of those who had returned with Columbus from his first 
voyage, conceiving that it was either the Cipango of Marco Polo, 
or the Ophir from whence Solomon imported those precious com- 
modities, which suddenly diffused such immense riches through 
his kingdom. 

But when instead of that golden harvest, which they expected 
to reap without much toil or pains, they found their prospect of 
wealth was remote and uncertain : and, if attained, it must be 
by slow and persevering efforts ot industry; the disappointment 
of their hopes occasioned such dejection of mind, as lead to gen- 
eral discontent. In vain did Columbus endeavour to revive Veir 
spirits by expatiating on the fertility of the soil, and displaying 
the specimens of gold daity brought in from the different parts of 
the island. Their patience was too much exhausted to wait the 
gradual returns of the former, and they despised the latter as 
scanty and inconsiderable. 

A conspiracy was formed, which threatened fatal consequen- 
ces to Columbus, and the colony. Fortunately he discovered it, 
and seized the ringleaders; some of them he punished, and 
sent the others prisoners to Spain ; with these he sent twelve 
ships, which had served as transports, with an earnest request 
for a reinforcement of men, and a large supply of provisions. 

That the people nfight not have leisure to brood over their dis- 
appointments, and nourish a spirit of discontent, he sen* them 
on several expeditions into the interior part of the country. One 
detachment he sent under the command of Alouzo de Ojedo. an 
enterpriz ug officer, to visit the district of Cibao, which was said 
to yield the greatest quantity of gold ; and followed himself with 
the main J>oUy of the troops. He displayed in this expedition, 
all the pomp of military parade, in order to strike the ima~ 



56 HISTORY OF 

gination of the natives : he marched with colours flying, martial 
music and a small body of cavalry, that sometimes appeared in 
front, and sometimes in the rear. The horses were objects of 
terror, no less than admiration, to the Indians, who were unac- 
quainted with that vast accession of power, which man had ac- 
quired by subjecting them to his dominion. They considered 
them as one animal with their riders: they were astonished at 
their speed, and deemed their strength and impetuosity irre- 
sistable, 

Notwithstanding this display of power, wisely intended to in- 
spire the natives with a high idea of the strength of the Spa- 
niards, Columbus did not neglect the art of gaming their love 
and confidence. He adhered strictly to the principles of in- 
tegrity and justice, in all his transactions with them, and treat- 
ed them on every occasion, with humanity and indulgence. 

The district of Cibao was mountainous and uncultivated : in 
every brook and river gold was gathered, either in dust or 
grains; some of which were of considerable size. The Indians 
had never penetrated into the bowels of the earth, in search of 
gold ; they had neither capacity nor inclination to refine the rude 
ore; these were operations too complicated for their talents or 
industry : neither did they wish to put their ingenuity and in- 
vention upon the stretch in order to obtain it. 

The Spaniards, however, no longer doubted that the country 
contained rich treasures in its bowels, of which they soon expect- 
ed to be masters. The account of these promising appearances 
of wealth, in the country of Cibao, comforted the desponding 
colony, which was afflicted with distresses of various kinds. Pro- 
visions became scarce, and what remained was corrupted bv the 
heat and humidity of the climate, so as to render it unfit for use. 
The ground the natives cultivated was insufficient for their own 
subsistence, and the Spaniards had neither time nor leisure, to 
reap any considerable fruits from their own industry. 

They now became afraid of perishincr with hunger, and were 
reduced to live at shoit allowance. Diseases prevalent in the 
torrid zone, began to spread amongst them; alamried at their 
violence and unusual symptoms, they exclaimed against Colum- 
bus and the companions of his former voyage. v\ho. by their exag- 
gerated descriptions of liispaniola, had allured them from their 
native country, to settle in a barbarous uncultivated land, to die 
either by famine, or of unknown distempers. Thcs', complaints 
came not only from the common people, but several -.Seers and 
persons of note, joined in these seditious complains: Father 
33oy!e, the apostolic vicar, was one of the most turbulent and 
outrageous. It required all the authority and address of Colum- 
bus, to re-establish order ami tranquility in the colony. But the 
prospect of wealth, from the mines of Cibao, contributed to 



AMERICA. ST 

soothe the malecorrfents, which they hoped would be a recompense 
for all their sufferings, and efface the memory of past disappoint- 
ments. When concord and order, were in a good degree estab- 
lished, Columbus resolved to pursue his discoveries, that he might 
be able to ascertain whether those new countries with which he 
had opened a communication, were connected with any region 
of the earth already known, or whether they were to be consi- 
dered as a separate part of the globe, hitherto unvisited. 

He appointed his hrother, Don Diego Columbus, and a council 
of officers, to assist to govern the island in his absence. To Don 
Pedro Margarita, he gave the command of a body of troops, with 
whom he was to visit the different parts of the island, and endea- 
vour to establish the authority of the Spaniards. Having left 
them particular instructions with respect to their conduct, he 
weighed anchor the twenty-fourth of April, taking with him one 
ship and two small vessels. 

During this voyage, he experienced all the hardships to which 
persons of his profession are commonly exposed, and notwith- 
standing he was out five months, made no additional discovery, 
except the island of Jamaica, which appeared beautiful in the ex- 
treme. As he sailed on this unknown course, he was entangled 
among rocks and shelves, retarded by contrary winds, assaulted 
by furious storms, and with terrible thunder and lightning, 
which is almost incessant betweeen the tropics. To add to his 
distress, his provisions fell short. His crew exhausted with fa- 
tigue and hunger, murmured and threatened ; and were ready 
to proceed to the most desperate extremities against him. 

Danger appearing, in various forms, kept him on continual 
watch : to issue every order, and superintend the execution of it. 
At no time his skill and experience were more severely tried ; 
to these the squadron owed its safety. Though naturally of a 
vigorous and robust constitution, such unremitted fatigue of body, 
and intense application of mind, brought on a pestilential fever, 
terminating in a lethargy, which considerablv impaired his reason 
and his memory, and nearly deprived him" of his life. In this 
dilemma, the crew determined to return with all possible haste 
to Isabella, which they effected in five days : Columbus recover- 
ed his senses, on the abating of the fever, but he remained a con- 
siderable time in a feeble state. Here, to his inexpressible joy, 
he found his brother JWt^l ,mew, which greatly contributed to 
his recovery. It was now thirteen vears, since the two brothers 
hail separated, and during that space had no intercourse with 
eacti otlie% 

Bartholomew, after concluding his negociation at the court of 
inland, had set out for Spain by the way of France. At Paris 
n* . hrst received the account of the discoveries his brother had 
made, in his first voyage, and that he was preparing to embank 



S8 HISTORY OF 

on a second expedition. This intelligence made him pursue his 
journey with the utmost despatch : but Columbus had sailed be- 
fore he reached Spain. 

Ferdinand and Isabella received him, with the respect due to 
the brother of a man, whose services and merit had rendered 
him so conspicuous : and as they knew what consolation it would 
afford Columbus, they persuaded him to take the command of 
three slaps, which they had appointed to carry provisions to the 
new colony. 

■ Columbus never stood more in need of such a friend to assist 
him, with his counsel, or of dividing with him the cares of gov- 
ernment. For although the provisions, now brought from Eu- 
rope, proved a temporary relief, from the calamities of famine, 
the quantity was too small to last them long, and the produce of 
the island was insufficient to support them. They were also 
threatened with a danger more formidable than the return of 
scarcity; and which demanded more immediate attention. 

When Columbus was absent from the island, on this last expe- 
dition, the soldiers under the command of Margarita, contemned 
all subordination, but dispersed in straggling parties over the 
island, lived at discretion on the natives, wasted their provisions, 
seized their? women, and treated those inoffensive people, with all 
the insolence of military oppression. While the Indians retained 
a#V hopes of their sufferings coming to an end, by the voluntary 
departure of their invaders, they submitted in silence and dissem- 
bled their indignation : but, now that they discovered the yoke 
would be as permanent as it was intolerable ; self preservation 
prompted them to assume courage, and attack their oppressors 
with united force, and drive them from the settlements, of which 
they had violently taken possession. Such were the sentiments, 
which universally prevailed amongst the Indians, when Colum- 
bus returned to Isabella, from his last expedition. 

Inflamed, and justly irritated, by the outrages of the Spaniards, 
with a degree of rage, or which their gentle natures seemed hard- 
ly susceptible, they waited only for a signal from their leaders, to 
fall upon the colony. Some of the caziques had already sur- 
prized, and cut oil' several straggler's. The dread of impending 
danger united the Spaniards, and re-established the authority of 
Columbus, as they saw no prospect of safety, but in committing 
themselves to his prudent guidance. 

It was now become necessary, to have recourse to arms ; an 
event, Columbus had anxiously wished to avoid. The vast su- 
periority of the natives in number, compensated in a &reat mea- 
sure their want of firearms; one unforeseen event, might have 
-proved fatal to the Spaniards. Conscious that success depended 
On the rapidity and vigour of his operations, Columbus instantly 
"which were reduced to a very small Qum- 



AMERICA, >0 

ber, two hundred foot, twenty horse, and as many large dogs, 
were all the force he could muster, against (agreeable to the Span- 
ish accounts,) one hundred thousand Indians. Although it may 
seem strange, to mention dogs as composing part of a military 
force, they were perhaps, as formidable and destructive as so 
many men in arms, when employed against naked and timid 
Indians. 

All the caziques of the island, (Guacanahari excepted, who 
still retained an inviolable attachment to the Spaniards,) were in 
arms to oppose Columbus. Instead of attempting to draw the 
Spaniards into the woods and mountains, they were so imprudent, 
as to take their station in the most open plain in the country. 
Columbus did not allow them time to perceive their mistake, or 
to altar their position. He attacked them during the night, and 
obtained an easy and bloodless victory. 

The noise and havoc made by their fire arms ; the impetuous 
force of the cavalry, and the fierce onset of the dogs, was so 
great, that the Indians were filled with consternation : they threw 
down their arms^ and fled without making any resistance : many 
of them were slain, more were taken prisoners, and reduced to 
slavery. From that moment they abandoned themselves to des- 
pair, and relinquished all thoughts of contending with aggressors, 
whom they deemed invincible. Humanity must lament the sad 
reverse of that unhappy race, who had enjoyed the free and un- 
molested enjoyment of their native woods ; their wants were sup- 
plied by the spontaneous productions of the earth ; but now a race 
unknown had invaded their country, and forced them to submit 
to exactions un thought of and arbitrary, impositions which they 
were by no means enabled to comply with, consistent with their 
-ideas of perfect liberty. 

Columbus employed several months in the year 1495, in march 
ing through the island, and in subjecting it to* the Spanish govern- 
ment without meeting with any opposition. He imposed a tax 
up mi all the inhabitants above the age of fourteen : each person 
who resided in the district where gold was to be found, was 
obliged to pay quarterly as much gold dust as would fill a hawk's 
bill ; from others, twenty-five pounds of cotton were demanded. 
This served as a precedent for exactions sill more oppressive. 
Contrary as these exactions were to th maxims which Columbus 
had hitherto inculcated, yet the intrigues carried on at the court 
of Spain at this juncture, with the manifest design to undermine 
his power, and discredit his operations, constrained him to de- 
pa! t from his own system of administration. 

Several unfavourable accounts of his conduct, as well as the 
countries, discovered by him, had been transmitted to Spain. 
M garita and father Boyle were at court, and in order to gratify 
their resentment, watched with malevolent attention for oppor- 



46 HISTORY OF 

tunitics to spread insinuations to his disadvantage. Several others 
about the court viewed his growing reputation with envious eyes. 
Fonseca, the archdeacon of Seville, who was intrusted with the 
chief direction of Indian affairs, for some reasons not made pub- 
lic, listened with partiality to every invective. 

It was not easy for an unfriended stranger, unpractised in the 
courtly arts, to counteract the machinations of such powerful ene- 
mies. There remained but one method to support his credit, and 
silence his enemies, he must produce such a quantity of gold, as 
would justify his reports, with respect to the richness of the coun- 
try ; the necessity of obtaining it, forced him not only to impose 
this heavy tax upon the Indians, but to exact payment of it with 
extreme rigour; and furnished him with a plausible excuse for 
departing from that mildness and humanity, with which he had 
uniformly treated that unhappy people. 

This imposition appeared the most intolerable of all evils; ac- 
customed to pass their days in a careless manner, this restraint 
upon their liberty w r as so grievous, that they had recourse to an 
expedient to deliver themselves from a yoke, imposed upon them by 
ahandfulof strangers; to whom they where under no obligations. 

Their impatience and despair prompted them to fall upon an 
expedient, which to them appeared an infallible method to rid 
f hem of their troublesome neighbours. They agreed to suspend 
all agricultural operations, and from the voracious appetites of 
the Spaniards, concluded the execution of it very practicable. 

They pulled up the Manioc roots that were planted, and planted 
no Maize ; and retired to the most inaccessible parts of the woods, 
•caving the uncultivated plains to their enemies. 

This desperate resolution produced some of the effects intend- 
ed ; the Spaniards were reduced to great want; but tbey re- 
ceived some seasonable supplies from Europe, and found so many 
resources in their own ingenuity and industry, that they suffer- 
ed no great loss cf men. 

The Indians were the greatest sufferers by this ill-concerted 
policy. Shut up among barren mountains, without any food but 
the wild productions of the earth, distressed by famine, conta- 
gious diseases were the consequence : and in the course of a few- 
months, more than a third part of the inhabitants perished. 

Columbus now began to have serious thoughts of returning to 
vSpain. His energies at court had gained considerable influence : 
they represented his prudent care to preserve discipline and sub- 
ordination, as excess of rigour ; the punishments he inflicted upon 
the mutinous and disorderly, were imputed to cruelty ; and he 
was represented as inconsiderately ambitious ; these accusations 
obtained such credit in a jealous court, that a commissioner was 
appointed to repair to Hispaniola, to inspecctinto the conduct of 
Columbus. 



AMERICA. 41 

By the influence of his enemies, Aguado, a groom of the bed 
chamber, was made choice of, upon this occasion : a man whose 
capacity was by no means fi for the station. Puffed up with such 
sudden and unexpected elevation, \guado displayed all that fri- 
volous self-importance and insolence, natural to little minds, in 
the exercise of his office. He listened with eagerness to every 
accusation against Columbus, and encouraged, not only the evil 
disposed among the Spaniards, but also the Indians ; by which 
partial conduct he fomented jealousies and dlssentions in the col- 
ony, without establishing any regulations for the public good : and 
while he wished to load the administration of the admiral with 
disgrace, placed an indelible stain upon his own. 

Columbus sensibly felt how humiliating his situation must be, 
if he remained under the control of such a partial inspector. He 
therefore took the resolution ef returning to Spain, in order to 
give a full account of his transactions, with respect to the points in 
dispute between him and his adversaries, before Ferdinand and 
Isabella. He committed the administration of his affairs during 
his absence to his brother Don Bartholomew, with the title of 
Adelantado, or lieutenant governor ; and Francis Rolden, chief 
justice, with very extensive powers. 

In returning to Europe, Columbus held a different course to 
what he had taken in his former voyage. He steered almost due 
east from Hispaniola in the parallel of twenty-two degrees of lat- 
itude :as he was unacquainted with the more expeditious method 
of stretching to the north, whereby he would have fallen in with 
the south-west winds. By which mistake he was exposed to xevy 
great fatigue and danger ; and had to struggle with th& trade 
winds which blow without variation from the east, between the 
tropics. 

He nevertheless persisted in this course with his usual patience 
and firmness, but made such little way, that he was three months 
before he came within sight of land. Provisions at last began 
to fail : they were reduced to the allowance of six ounces of 
bread a day for each person : the admiral taring no better than 
the meanest sailor. 

In this extreme distress he retained that humanity which dis- 
tinguished his character; and refused to comply with the press- 
ing solicitations of his crew to feed upon the Indian prisoners, 
whom they were carrying over ; others insisted that they should be 
thrown overboard, in order to lessen the consumption of provi- 
sions. He objected to their destruction, alledgipg; that they were 
1 .unan beings, reduced to the Same calamities with themselves 
and entitled to share an equal fate. These arguments backed 
by his authority, dissipated those wild ideas suggested by despair : 
soon after, thvy came in sight of Spain, and all their troubles and 
fears vanished, 

D2 



U HISTORY 0¥ 

Columbus, conscious of bis ovn integrity, appeared at court 
with that determined confidence, which those who have perform- 
ed great actions, will always assume. Ferdinand and Isabella 
ashamed of lending too favourable an ear to frivolous and ill-found- 
ed accusations, received him with such distinguished marks of 
respect, as overwhelmed his enemies with shame. Their cal- 
umny and censures were not heard at that juncture. 

The gold, the pearls, the cotton, and other rich commodities 
which Columbus produced, seemed fully to refute the stories the 
mclecontcnis had propagated with respect to the poverty of the 
country. By reducing the Indians to obedience and Imposing a 
regular tax upon them, he had secured to Spain a large accession 
of new subjects, and a revenue that promised much. By the 
mines which lie had found out and examined, a source of wealth 
was still more copiously opened. 

Columbus represented these only as preludes to future, and 

ch larger acquisitions, and as an earnest of more important 
discoveries; THe attentive consideration of all these circum- 
stances made such an impression upon Ferdinand and Isabella, 
that they resolved to supply the colony with every thing neces- 
sary to render it a permanent establishment, and to furnish Co- 
bus with such a fleet), that he might proceed to make such 
discoveries as he meditated. 

A plan was now formed of a regular colony, that might serve 
as a model for all future establishments. Every particular was 
considered with attention, and arranged with scrupulous accura- 
cy. The exact number of adventurers who should be permitted 
to embark was fixed : these were to be of different ranks and pro- 
fessions m , and the proportion of each was established, according 
10 their usefulness and benefit to the colony. A proper number 
of women were chosen to accompany these new settlers. 

As a want of provision had occasioned great distress in the col- 
, a number of husbandmen were to be carried over. As they 
nad formed and entertained the most sanguine hopes with respect 
to the riches contained in t\\a mines, a number of artists were 
engaged who weie skilful in refining the precious metals; who 
were to receive pay from the government for a number of years. 

Thus far the regulations were well adapted to the end in view ; 
but as it was foreseen that few would engage to embark to settle 
in a coin- try that had proved so fatal to many of their country- 
men, Columbus proposed to employ such convicts and malefac- 
tors who were convicied of crimes, which, though capital, were of 
a less attrocious Hature ; and that instead of sending them to the 
galiles, they should be condemned to labour in the mines which 
were to be opened. This advice was inconsiderately adopted ; 
the prisons were drained to collect members for the intended col- 
ony \ a^d the j^H-o 03 were instructed to recruit it by their future 



AMERICA. 4S 

sentences. But they were not aware that such corrupt members 
would poison the both politic, and be productive of voilent and 
unhappy effects. 

This the Spaniards fatally experienced, and other European 
powers imitated their practice, from which pernicious conse- 
quences have followed, and can be imputed la no other can- 

r<>]umbus easily obtained the royal approbation to every mea- 
sure and regulation he proposed : but his endeavours to carry 
them into execution, were Ion** retarded, and must have tired 
out any man of less patience than himself. Those delays were 
occasioned, partly by that, tedious procrastination, so natural to 
the Spaniards: partly by the exhausted state of the treasury, 
tchich at that time was drained by the celebration of the marriage 
of Ferdinand and Isabella's onlv son. with Margaret of Austria ; 
and that of Joanna, their daughter, with Philip of Austria : but 
the chief source of all these delays, must principally be imputed 
to the nalice of his enemies. 

These, astonished at the reception Columbus had met with, 
and overawed by his presence, gave way for some time, to a t^le 
of favour too stong for them to oppose. Their enmity, however, 
was too strong to remain long inactive ; but by the assistance of 
Fonseea, minister for Indian affairs, who was no v promoted to be 
bishop of Badajos, they threw in so many obstacles, that the pre- 
parations were retarded one whole year, before he could procure 
two ?hips, to send over a part of the supplies intended for the co- 
lony; and near two jears were spent before the small squadron 
was ready, of which he was to take the command. This squad- 
ron consisted of six ships of no great burden, and indifferently 
provided for a long voyage. 

He now meditated a different c ourse from what he had before 
undertaken: still possessed with (hose erroneous ideas, which at 
first induced him to consider the country he had discovered, as 
a nart of the continent of India: he expected to find those fertile 
regions to the south-west of the countries he had discovered. He 
therefore proposed, as the most cestain for finding out these, to 
stand directly for the cape de Vcrd islands, until he came under 
the equinoctial line, and then to .-t retell to the west before a fa- 
vourable wind which blows invariably between the tropics. 

Full of this idea he set sail for his third voyage, on the thirtieth 
of May, 1498. ami touched at the Canaries and Cape de Verd 
Islands ; from Ferro he despatched three of his ships with a sup- 
ply of provisions for the colony of Hispaniola : with the other 
three he pursued his course to the south. 

No remarkable occurrence happened until they arrived within 

five degrees of the line, when they were becalmed, and the heat 

wd< so ex 'e ;siv> i ,i the Spaniards were apprehensive the ships 

dd take lire ; tiiciv feVs were relieved by a skewer of rcia. 



44 HISTORY OF 

but did not much abate the I eat. The admiral was so fatigued 
by unremitting care and less of sleep, that he was seized with a 
violent fit of the ^nut and a fev«i% 

These circumstances indiuvd him to listen to the remonstrances 
of his men, and to alter his course to the aorth-west that he might 
reach some of the Caribce islands, where he might refit, and ob- 
tain a fresh supply of provisions. 

On the first of August, the man stationed in the round top, sur- 
prized them with t^>e j yful cry of Land! Columbus named it 
Trinidad, which nanip it *ti!l retains: it lies near the mouth of 
the river Oronoco, on the coast of Guiana. This river rolls to- 
wards the ocean such a vast body of water, and with such an 
impetuous force, that when it meets the tide, which on that coast 
rises to an uncommon height, occasions such a swell and agita- 
tion, that it is both surprising and formidable. 

Columbus, before he was aware of the danger, was entangled 
with those adverse currents, and owed his safety by boldly ven- 
turing through a narrow strait which appeared so tremendous ,. 
that he called it La Boca del Urago : no sooner was the con-, 
sternation subsided, than Columbus drew comfort and consolation 
from a circumstance, so full of peril. He wisely concluded, that 
such a vast body of water, could not be supplied by any island, 
but must How through a country of immense extent, and that he 
had now in consequence, arrived at that country, which had been 
the main object of his pursuit. 

Full of this idea, be stood to the west along the coast of those 
provinces, now known by the names of Paria and Cumana. He 
landed in several places, and found the inhabitants resembled 
those of Hispaniola ; they wore, as ornaments, small plates of 
gold, and pearls of considerable value, which they willingly ex- 
changed for European toys. Their understanding and courage 
appeared superior to the inhabitants of the islands. 

This country produced four-footed animals of different kinds, 
and a great variety of fowls and fruit. The admiral was so much 
delighted with its fertility, that with the warm enthusiasm of a 
discoverer, he imagined it to be the paradise described in Scrip- 
ture, which the Almighty had chosen for the residence of man, 
while he was innocent and worthy of such possession. 

Thus, Columbus had the glory of discovering a new world, 
making considerable progress towards a perfect knowledge of it, 
and was the first man who conducted the Spaniards to that vast 
settlement, which has been the chief seat of their empire, and 
source of their treasures. The weak situation of his ships, scar- 
city of provisions, and his own infirmities, together with the im- 
patience of his crew, made it necessary for him to steer away for 
Hispaniola. On the thirtieth of August, L498, he reached that 
islaad ; and found the colony is such a situation; as left Wna po 



AMER/CA. 45 

prospect of enjoying that repose, which he stood so much in need 
of. Many changes had happened, during his absence. His bro- 
ther, the Adelantado, agreeable to former instruct*. >a?. had re- 
moved the colony from Isabella, to a more convenient station, 
on the opposite side of the island, and laid the foundation of the 
town of St. Domingo. 

As soon as they were established in this new settlement, the 
Adelantado, to prevent the people from forming new cabals, 
marched into other parts of the island, which his brother had 
not yet reduced to obedience ; as the people were unable to resist* 
they submitted every where to the tribute imposed. While the 
Adelantado was thus employed, an alarming mutiny broke out, 
among the Spaniards : the ringleader was Francis Roldan, who 
was placed by Columbus, to be the guardian of order and tran- 
quility, in the colony. 

The arguments he employed to seduce his countrymen, were 
frivolous and ill-founded. He accused Columbus, and his three 
brothers, of arrogance and severity. He insinuated, that they 
aimed at establishing an independent dominion in the country; 
for this purpose, they designed to cut off part of the Spaniards, 
by hunger and fatigue, that they might the more easily, reduce 
the remainder to subjection ; he said, it was unworthy of Cas- 
tilians, to be the tame and passive sLves of three Genoese ad- 
venturers. 

By these insiduous means, strengthened by his rank, a deep 
impression was made on the minds of his countrymen, already 
prepared to receive unfavourable impressions. A considerable 
number made choice of him, for their leader, and took up arms 
against the Adelantado and his brother, seized the king's maga- 
zine of provisions, and endeavoured to surprise the fort at St. 
Domingo. This was preserved by the vigilance of Don Diego 
Columbus. The mutineers were obliged to retire to the province 
of Xarague, where they continued, not only to oppose the Ade- 
lantado's authority themselves, but excited the Indians to throw 
oft* the yoke. 

Such was the distracted state of the colony, when Columbus 
arrived. He was astonished to find that the three ships, which 
he had despatched from the Canaries had not yet arrived. By 
want of skill in the pilots, and the violence of the currents, they 
had bcfcn carried one hundred and sixty miles west of St. 
Domingo, and forced to take shelter in the harbour of the pro- 
vince of Xarague, where Roldan and his seditious followers were 
cantoned. Roldan carefully concealed from th# commanders, 
his insunection against the Adelantado, and employed all his art 
to gain their conscience, persuaded them to set on shore, a con- 
siderable part of the new settlers, whom they brought over ? that 
they might proceed by land, to St. Domingo. 



46 HISTORY OF 

It required no great argument with those men, to espouse his*, 
cause. They were the refuse of the jails of Spain. These were 
familiarized to deeds of violence, and eargerly returned to a course 
of life to which they had been accustomed. The commanders of 
the ships were convinced, when it was too late, of their impru- 
dence, and stood away for St. Domingo, and got safe into port 
a few days after their admiral. 

These ships brought but small relief to the colony, their pro- 
visions being much reduced, by the length of the voyage. Roldan, 
by the additional force of his new associates, became extremely 
formidable, and extravagant in his demands. Columbus, filled 
with resentment at his ingratitude and highly incensed at the 
insolence of his followers, ye* appeared in no haste to take the 
field. He trembled at the thoughts of kindling the flames of ci- 
vil war. He saw with regret, that the prejudices and passions 
which had excited the rebels to take arms, had infected those 
who still adhered to him, and were all cold to the service. He 
therefore chose to negociate rather than fight. By a seasonable 
proclamation, offering free pardon to such as returned to their 
duty, he made impressions on some of the malecontents. To those 
who were desirous of returningto Spain, he gave full liberty: by 
this he allured all those that were disgusted with the country, 
and disappointed in their views. He soothed Roldan's pride, by 
promising to restore him to his for/ner office ; and by complying 
with the commands of others, he satisfied their avarice. Thus 
gradually, and without bloodshed, after several tedious negoei- 
ations, he dissolved a confederacy that threatened ruin to the 
colony, and restored order and regular government. 

This mutinous disposition in the people, prevented Columbus 
from prosecuting his discoveries on the continent. As soon as 
his affairs would permit, he sent ,-ome of his ships to Spain, with 
an account of the voyage he had made, together with a descrip- 
tion of the "countries, which he had discovered: a chart of the 
coast along which he sailed ; also specimens of the gold, pearls,, 
and other curiosities found there. At the same time, he trans- 
mitted an account of the insurrection in Hispaniola. Roklan and 
his followers, did not neglect to convey to Spain, by the same 
ships, an appology for their conduct, and recriminated upon the 
admiral, and his brothers. 

Unfortunately for the honour of Spain, and the happiness of 
Columbus, Koldan gained the most credit at court, and produc- 
ed unexpected events. The perpetual occupation and disquiet, 
which the malecontents in the colony gave Kim, prevented him 
from attending to the machinations of his enemies, in the court 
of Spain. Several of these had embraced the opportunity of re- 
turning to Europe, in the ships Columbus had despatched from 
St. Domingo. 



AMERICA. 47 

Inflamed with rage at the disappointment of all their hopes, 
their poverty and distress excited compassion, and gave their ac- 
cusations the appearance of probability* and made their com- 
plaints interesting. They teamed Ferdinand and Isabella, with 
memorials, containing an account of their own grievances, and 
charges against Columbus. Whenever the kin*: and queen ap- 
peared in public, they were surrounded by a crowd of petitioners, 
demanding payment of arrears due to them, and vengeance on 
Columbus, as the author of their sufferings* The admiral's sons 
were insulted wherever they met them, reproaching them as the 
offspring of a projector, whose fatal curios ty had discovered 
those pernicious regions, which drained Spain of its wealth, 
and would prove the grave of its people. 

These endeavours to ruin Columbus, were powerfully second- 
ed by t|iat patty of courtiers* who had always thwarted his 
schemes, and were stung with envy at his success and credit 

Ferdinand listened with a willing and partial ear to every 
accusation: time had now diminished the tir^t sensations <»f joy, 
which the discovery of the New World had occasioned, and fame 
alone was not sufficient to satisfy the cold and avaricious mind 
ot Ferdinand. He considered Spain as a loser bv the enterprize 
of Columbus and imputed it to bis incapacity for government, 
that a country abounding in gold, had not yielded a greater val- 
ue to its conquerors. Even Isabella began to give way to the 
number and boldness of his accusers, and concluded, that there 
must have been some occasion, on his part, that caused such heavy- 
complaints against him. This was no sooner known, than a 
resolution fatal to Columbus was taken. 

Francis de Bovadilla, a knight of Calatrava, was appointed to 
repair to Hispaniola, with full powers to inquire into the conduct 
of Columbus; and if he found the charge of mal -ad ministration 
proved against him, to supercede him in the government. It was 
impossible for Columbus to escape condemnation, when this pre- 
posterous commission made it the interest of the judge to tind him 

Though Columbus had restored tranquility in the island, though 
he had brought both Spaniards and Indians, to submit quietly to 
his government, yet the interested Bovadilla, without attending 
to the merit of those services, shewed a determined purpose of 
treating him as a criminal, lie seized the admiral's house in St. 
Domingo, when he was absent, with all his effects; he lendered 
himself master of the foi t and the king's stores, by violence ; and 
required ail persons to acknowledge him as supreme governor; 
he set at liberty all the prisoners confined by the admiral ; and 
summoned him to appear before his tribunal to answer for bis 
conduct, sending him at the same time a copy of the royai 
mandate, by which Columbus was e;j yield implicit obe- 

dience to his commands. 



48 HISTORY OF. 

Columbus, though deeply affected with the ingratitude arid in- 
justice of Ferdinand and Isabella, submitted with a respectful 
silence to the will of his sovereigns, and repaired directly ^o the 
court of that violent and partial judge. Bovadilia, without ad- 
mitting him to his presence, ordered him ins.antly to be arrested, 
loaded with chains, and hurried on board a ship. Under this hu- 
miliating reverse of fortune, that firmness of mind which had 
hitherto supported him, did not forsake him. Conscious of his 
own integrity, and solacing himself with the great things he had 
achieved, he endured this insult, not only with that composure, 
but dignity that surprised and over-awed his enemies. 

Bovadilia, to excuse his own conduct and to load Columbus with 
infamy, encouraged all persons, however infamous, to lodge infor- 
mations, though false and inconsistent, against him; out of these 
Bovadilia collected materials to support an accusation, which he 
transmitted to Spain, at the same time that he ordered Columbus 
and his two brolhers to be carried 'hither in fetters. And added 
the cruel insult of confining ihe brothers in different ships, ex- 
cluding them from that friendly intercourse, which might have 
soothed them under such accumulated distress. 

But although the Spaniards in Hispaoiola approved of the arbi- 
trary and cruel proceedings of Bovadilia. there was one man who 
still remembered how much his countrymen were indebted to 
Columbus ; and was touched with pity for the man who had 
performed such great actions, This was Alanzo de V-alejo. the 
tiM tain of the vessel on board of which the admiral was confined. 
As soon as he was clear of the island, he approached his prisoner 
v ith grert respect, and offered to release him from the fetters 
vith which he was bo unjustly loaded. *• TSo," replied Columbus, 
wit!) a r.oble indignation," kl I wear these irons in consequence of 
" an order f?< m my sovereigns : they shall find me as obedient to 
"tins, as to their other injunctions By their command 1 am 
* ; brought into this situation, and their command alone, shall set 
"me at liberty." 

The voyage to Spain was fortunately very short. As soon as 
Ferdinand and Isabella were informed th at Columbus was brought 
home a prisoner, in chains, they felt the necessity of disavowing 
all such inhuman proceedings. They saw, that all Europe would 
he filled with indignation at such ungenerous conduct towards a 
man, to whom they were so much indebted, and who had per- 
formed actions worthy of the highest recompense. Ashamed of 
their own conduct, and eager to make some reparation for this 
injury, as well as to efface the stain upon their own characters, 
they instantly issued orders to set Columbus at liberty ; invited 
him to court; and remitted money to enable him to appear there 
in a manner suitable to his rank. 

When he came into the royal presence, the various pa-sions 



AMERICA. 45 

which agitated his mind, for a time suppressed the power of ut- 
terance. He at length recovered himself, and justified his con- 
duct by producing the fullest proof of his innocence and integri- 
ty : and exposed the evil designs of his enemies. Who, not con- 
tented with having ruined his fortune, aimed a deadly blow at 
his honour and fame. He was treated by Ferdinand with decent 
civility: by Isabella with tenderness and respect. They con- 
curred in expressing their sorrow for the treatment he had so un- 
justly received, disavowing their knowledge of it, and promised 
him protection and future favour. 

Bovadilla was instantly degraded, that all suspicion might be 
removed from themselves, as authors of such disgraceful and vio- 
lent proceedings : yet they refused to restore to Columbus those 
privileges before granted him as viceroy ; and which he so just- 
ly merited. Though willing to appear the avengers of Colum- 
bus's wrongs, a mean illiberal jealousy still subsisted. To a 
man who had discovered and put them in possession of a country, 
that was the source of envy to all Europe,- they were afraid to 
trust : they retained him at court, under various pretexts ; and 
appointed Nicholas de Ovando, a knight of the military order of 
Alcantara, governor of Hispaniola. This ungenerous conduct 
exasperated Columbus to such a degree, that he could no longer 
conceal the sentiments which it excited. Wherever he went, he 
carried about with him the fetters with which he had been loaded. 
He had them hung up in his chamber, and he gave orders that 
when he died, they should be buried with him. 

Notwithstanding this ungenerous treatment of Columbus, the 
spirit of discovery continued active and vigorous. Roderigo de 
Bastidas, and John de la Cosa, fitted out two ships in company; 
the latter having served under Columbus in two of his voyages, 
was deemed the most skilful pilot in Spain. They slteered di- 
rectly for the continent, and arrived on the coast of Paria, and 
continuing from thence west, discovered the coast of the pro- 
vince now called Terra Firma, from Cape de Vala, to the gulf 
of Darien. 

Not long after Ojeda, with Amerigo Vespucci, set out on a se- 
cond voyage, and held the same course with the former, and 
touched at the same places. 

The voyage of Bastidas was prosperous and lucrative : that 
of Ojeda, unfortunate. But both tended to increase the ardour 
of discovery ; for, in proportion as the Spaniards became ac- 
quainted with the extent of the American continent, their ideas 
of its opulence and fertility, increased. 

Before these adventurers returned, a fleet was equipped at the 

public expense, for carrying over Ovando, the new governor, to 

Hispaniola. His presence was very necessary, that a period 

"might be put to the imprudent administration of Bovadilla, whichi 



50 HISTORY OF 

threatened the destruction of the colony; who, conscious of the 
injustice and violence of his proceedings against Columbus, made 
it his sole study to gain the favour of his countrymen, by grati- 
fying their passions, and accommodating himself to their prejudi- 1 
ces. 

With this intent he established regulations in every respect 
the reverse of those which Columbus had deemed essential to 
the welfare of the settlement. Instead of that severe discipline, 
which was necessary to habituate the dissolute and corrupt mem- 
bers of society, and restrain them within proper bounds, he 
suffered them to enjoy such uncontrolled liberty, as led to the 
most extravagant excesses. So far from protecting the Indians, 
he gave a legal sanction to the oppression of that unhappy peo- 
ple. He divided them into distinct classes, and distributed them 
amongst his adherents ; reducing them to a state of complete 
servitude. 

The rapacity and impatience of the Spaniards after gold, was 
such, that in their pursuit of it, they neglected all other means 
of acquiring wealth. The Indians were drhen in crowds to the 
mountains and compelled to work in the mines, by masters who 
imposed their tasks without mercy or discretion. Labour so dis- 
proportioned to their strength and former habits of life, wasted 
that feeble race of men, with such rapid consumption, as must 
soon have exterminated the ancient inhabitants of the island. 

The necessity of providing a remedy for these evils, hastened 
Ovando's departure. He commanded the most respectable ar- 
mament hitherto fitted out for the new world. It consisted of 
thirty-two ships, having on board two thousand five hundred per- 
sons^ with an intention of settling the country. 

Upon the arrival of the new governor, BovadiUa resigned his 
charge, and was commanded to return instantly to Spain, to 
answer for his conduct. Roidan and the other ringleaders of 
the mutineer?, who had been so active in opposing Columbus, 
were ordered to leave the island at the same time. The natives 
were declared free subjects of Spain, by public proclamation, 
of whom no service was required, without paying them the full 
price of their labour. Various regulations were made tending 
to suppress the licentiousness of the Spaniards, which had been 
so fatal to the colony. 

To limit the exorbitant gain which private persons were sup- 
posed to make by working the mines, an order v*as published, 
dhectingail the gold to be brought to a public smelting house ; 
and one half of it was declared to be the property of the crown. 

While these steps were taking for the security and tranquility 
of the colony, Columbus was engaged in the fruitless and un- 
pleasant employment of soliciting an ungrateful court to fulfil 
its agreements : and demanded!, according to the original eauit* 



AMERICA. 51 

ulation in the year 149£, to be reinstated in his office of viceroy 
over the countries which he had discovered ; but he solicited in 
vain. The greatness of his discoveries, and the prospect of their 
increasing value, made the jealous Ferdinand consider the con- 
cessions in the capitulation as extravagant and impolitic ; he in- 
spired Isabella with the same sentiments : and under various 
pretexts equally frivolous and unjust, they eluded all the re* 
quisitions of Columbus to perform that, which a solemn treaty 
bound them to accomplish. 

After attending the court of Spain near two years, as a humble 
suppliant, at length he was convinced that he laboured in vain. 
But even this ungenerous return did not discourage him from 
pursuing the great object which first called forth his inventive 
genius, and excited him to attempt discovery. To open a new 
passage to the East Indies was his original and favourite scheme. 
This continued to engross his thoughts ; he conceived an opinion 
that, beyond the continent of America, there was a sea which ex- 
tended to the East Indies, and hoped to find some Strait or nar- 
row neck of land, by which a communication might be opened 5 
and from the part of the ocean already known, by a very fortu- 
nate conjecture, he supposed this Strait or isthmus to be situated 
near the gulf of Darien. 

Filled with this idea, though now far advanced in age, worn 
out with fatigue, and broken with infirmities, he offered cheer- 
fully to undertake a voyage which would ascertain this impor- 
tant point, and perfect the grand scheme which from the begin- 
ning, he proposed to accomplish. 

Ferdinand and Isabella willingly came into the proposal : they 
were glad of some honourable employment that would remove 
from court a man, with whose demands they were determined 
not to comply, and whose services it was indecent to neglect. 
Though unwilling to reward Columbus, they were sensible of 
his merits, they were convinced of his skill and conduct, and 
had reason to confide in his success. 

To these considerations there was a still more powerful influ- 
ence. About this time (1502), the Portuguese fleet under Cabral, 
arrived from the Indies ; and by the richness of its cargo, gave 
the people of Europe a more perfect idea, than they had hither- 
to been able to form, of the opulence of the east. The Portu- 
guese had been more successful in their discoveries than the 
Spaniards. They opened a communication with countries where 
industry, arts, and elegance, flourished, and where commerce 
had been long established, and carried to a greater extent than 
in a ly region of the earth. 

T ieir voyages thither yielded immediate and vast profit, in 
commodities that were extremely: precious and in great request. 
Lisbon became the seat of commerce and of wealth : while Spain 



52 HISTOPl OF 

had only the expectation of remote benefit, and future gain, 
from the western world! 

Columbus's offer to^onduct them to the East by a route which 
he expected would be much shorter and less dangerous, was 
very acceptable to the Spaniards. Even Ferdinand was roused 
by such a prospect, and warmly approved of the undertaking. 

Notwithstanding the importance of the object of this fourth 
voyage to the nation, Columbus could procure only four 
small barks ; the largest of which did not exceed seventy tons 
burden : accustomed to brave danger, he did not hesitate to ac- 
cept the command of this pitiful squadron. His brother Bartho- 
lomew, and his second son Ferdinand, the historian of his ac- 
tions, accompanied him. 

He sailed from Cadiz on the ninth of May, 1502, and touch- 
ed as usual at the Canary islands ; from thence it w as his inten- 
tion to have directed his course for the continent ; but his larg- 
est vessel was so heavy a sailor, and unfit for the expedition, 
that he w T as obliged to bear away for Hispaniola, that he might, 
if possible, exchange her for some ship of the fleet that had car- 
ried over Ovando. 

"When he arrived off St. Domingo, he found eighteen of these 
ships ready loaded, and on the eve of their departure for Spain, 
Columbus immediately acquainted the governor with the desti- 
nation of his voyage/and the accident which had obliged him 
to alter his route. He requested to enter the harbour, not only 
that he might have permission to negociate the exchange of his 
ship, but that he might take shelter, during a violent hurricane 
which he discerned was approaching : on that account he also ad- 
vised the governor to put off the departure of the fleet bound for 
Spain. But Ovando refused his request and despised his coun- 
sel. Under circumstances in which humanity would have af- 
forded refuge to a stranger, Columbus was denied admittance 
: nto a country of which he had discovered the existence, and 
had acquired possession. He was regarded as a visionary pro- 
phet, arrogating to himself the power to predict beyond the reach 
of human foresight. 

The fleet set sail June 29th, 1502, for Spain: and the ensu- 
ing night the hurricane came on, with dreadful impetuosity and 
•violence. Columbus alone, aware of the danger, took precau- 
tions against it; and saved his little squadron. The fleet bound 
to Spain met with the fate which the rashness and obstinacy of 
its commanders merited. Of eighteen ships, two or three only 
escaped. In this general wreck perished Bovadilla and Roldan* 
and the greater part of those who had been, the most active in 
persecuting Columbus and oppressing the Indians; together 
with all the wealth which they had acquired by injustice and cru- 
elty. It exceeded in value two hundred thousand Pesos : an im- 



AMERICA. 53 

mense sum at that period, and would have beeli sufficient to 
Sfsr^n them from punishment, and secure them a gracious re- 
ception at the Spanish court. 

One of the ships that escaped had on board all the effects of 
Columbus, which had been recovered from the wreck of his for- 
tune. Historians, universally attribute this event to an imme- 
diate interposition of Divine Providence, in order to avenge the* 
wrongs of an injured man, as well as to punish the oppressors 
of an innocent people. The ignorant and superstitious formed 
an opinion, which the vulgar are apt to entertain with respect 
to persons acting in a sphere far above their comprehension ; 
they believed Columbus to possess supernatural powers, and 
that he had conjured up this dreadful storm by magical art, and 
incantations, in order to be revenged on his enemies. 

The inhospitable reception -which Columbus met with at His- 
paniola hastened his departure for the continent. He set sail 
July 14th, 1502, and after a tedious and dangerous voyage, he 
discovered Guanara, an island not far from Honduras. There 
he had an interview with some of the inhabitants, who arrived 
in a large canoe. They appeared more civilized, and had ac- 
quired more knowledge in the arts than any he had hitherto 
conversed with. 

In return to the eager inquiries of the Spaniards concerning 
the places where they got the gold, of which their ornaments 
were made ; they directed them to the countries situated to the 
west, which they described as abounding in that precious metal, 
in such profusion as to be made use of in common domestic ma- 
terials, j* # 

Instead of steering in search of a country so inviting, which 
would have conducted them along the coast of Yucatan, to the 
rich empire of Mexico, Columbus was so intent upon his favour- 
ite scheme of discovering that inlet to the Indian ocean, that he 
bore away to the east towards the gulf of Darien. 

In this navigation he discovered all the coast of the continent, 
from cape Gracios a Dios, to a harbour which for its beauty and 
security, he named Puerto Bello. He searched in vain for the 
imaginary strait or inlet, through which he expected to make his 
way into an unknown sea: and though he went on shore several 
times, and advanced into the country, he did not penetrate so 
far as to cross the norrow itshmus which separates the gulf of 
Mexico from the great southern ocean. 

He was, however, so delighted with the country, and conceiv- 
ed such an idea of its wealth, from the specimens of gold pro- 
duced by the natives, that he resolved to leave a small colony 
upon the river Belem, in the province of Veragua, under the 
command of his brother, and to return himself to Spain, in order 
to procure what was requisite. to reuder it a permanent estab* 

K 2 



54 HISTORY OF 

lishmeni. But the ungovernable spirit of the people under his 
command, deprived Columbus of the glory of planting the 
colony on the continent of America. 

Their insolence and rapaciousne^s provoked the natives to 
take arms, and as they were a more hardy and warlike raefe of 
men than the inhabitants of the islands, they cut off a pa 

.lipids, and obliged the rest to abandon a station they 
were no longer able to maintain. 

This was not the only misfortune that befel Columbus : it was 
s\ed by a succession of disasters. Furious hurricanes, with 
violent storms of thunder and lightning, threatened his leaky 
vessels with destruction: while his disconsolate crew, exhaust- 
ed with fatigue, and destitute gF provisions, were unwilling, or 
unable, to execute his commands. One of his ships was lost ; 
he was obliged to abandon another totally unfit for service; and 

h the two which remained, he quitted that part of the c 
nent which in his anguish he named the coast of vexation, and 
away for Hispaniola. 

New distresses awaited him in this voyage; he was drh 
back by a violent tempest from the cost of Cuba ; his ships fell 
foul of each other, and were so much shattered by the ;-hock, 
that with the utmost difficulty they reached Jamaica, where 
*.vas obliged to run them aground to prevent them from sinking. 
The measure ot his calamities teemed now to be full. He was 
cast on shore upon an island at a^corisiderahle distance from 
only settlement of the Spaniards in America. His ships were 
disabled beyond the' possibility of repair. To convey an occount 
of his situation to Hispaniola, seemed impracticable; and with- 
out this it v. is in vain to expect relief. His genius aver fertile in 
\esources, a: d most vigorous in those perilous extremities, when 
weak minds abandon themselves to despair, discovered the only 
expedient which a 'lorded any prospect of deliverance. He had re- 
course to tiie hospitality of the natives, who considering the ^pa- 
niards as superior beings, were eager on all occasions to adminis- 
ter to their wants ; from them he obtained two of their canoes : 
m these, which were only fit for creeping along the coast, or 
crossing from one bay to another, Mendez, a Spaniard, and Fie- 
schi, a Genoese, two gentle men particularly attached to Column 
bus, gallantly offered to set out for Hispaniola : a voyage of above 
thirty leagues. This they accomplished in ten days, after encoun- 
tering incredible dangers, and such fatigue that several of the 
Indians who accompanied them, sunk under it and died. 

The attention paid them by the governor of Hispaniola, was 
neither such as their courage merited, or the distress of Columbus. 
and his associates required. Ovando, from a mean jealousy of 
Columbus, was afraid of permitting him to set his foot ia the 
islAud under his governaieat. 



ERICA. 

This ungenerous passion absorbed every tender sentiment for 
ife misioftunes of that great njan ; and. his own fellow citizens 
were involved in the same calamity. Meradez and Fieschi, spent 
eight months in fruitless petitions, and seeking relief for their 
commander and associates. 

During this period, the mind of Colli mbus was agitated by va- 
rious passion*. At first, the speedy deliverance expected from 
the success of Mendez and Fieschi's voya^, cheered the spirits 
of the most desponding ; after some time, they began to suspect 
that they had miscarried in the attempt. At length they all 
concluded, that Me*ndez and Fieschi had perished. 

Hope, the last resource of the wretched, now forsook them, 
and made their situation appear more dismal. The only alter- 
native that appeared, was to end their miserable days among 
naked savages, far from their native country and friends. The 
seamen transported with rage, rose in open mutiny, threatened 
th<* life of Columbus, whom they reproached as the author of 
their calamities; seized ten canoes, which he had purchased of 
the Indians, and despising his remonstrances and entreaties, 
made off with them to a distant part of the island. At the same 
time, the natives mumured at the long residence of the Span- 
iards in their country. 

Like their neighbours, in Hispaniola, they considered the sup- 
porting so many strangers to be an intolerable burden. They 
brought in provisions with reluctance, and with a sparing hand, 
and threatened to withdraw these supplies altogether. Such a 
resolution would have been fatal to the Spaniards. Their safety- 
depended upon the good-will of the natives; and, unless they 
could revive the admiration and reverence with which these 
simple people at fira* beheld them, destruction appeared una- 
voidable. 

Though the disorderly proceedings of the mutineers had, in 
a great measure, effaced those favourable impressions, the inge- 
nuity of Columbus suggested an artifice that completely answered 
their purpose ; and not only restored, but encreased, the high 
opinion which the Indians had formerly conceived of them. 

By his skill in astronomy he knew there would be a total ec- 
lipse of the moon. He assembled all the principal persons of the 
district around him on the day before it happened; and after re- 
proaching them for their tickleness in withdrawing their affection 
and assistance from men, whom they lately had revered ; he told 
them the Spaniards were servants to the great Spirit, who dwells 
in heaven, who made and governed the world ; that he was of- 
fended at their refusing to support men who were the objects of 
Ins peculiar favour, and was preparing to punish this crime with 
exemplary severity: and that very night the moon should with- 
hold her light, and appear of a bloody hue, as a s»gn of Divine 
wath, syi<i aa emblem of the vengeance ready to fall on them- 



56 HISTORY OF 

To this marvellous prediction some of them listened with care* 
less indifference? others jvith credulous astonishment. But when 
the moon began gradually to he darkened, and at length appear- 
ed of a red colour, all were struck with terror. They ran with 
consternation to their houses, and returning instantly to Colum- 
bus loaded with provisions, threw them at his feet, conjuring him 
to intercede with the great Spirit to avert the destruction with 
which they were threatened. Columbus seeming to be moved 
by their entreaties, promised to comply with their desire. 

"' The eclipse went off, the moon recovered its splendour, and 
from that day the Spaniards were not onMprofusely furnished 
with provisions, but the Indians avoided every thing that could 
give them offence ; and paid a superstitious attention to them as 
long as they staid upon the island. 

Dining these transactions, the mutineers enraged at their dis- 
appointments, inarched to that part of the island where Columbus 
remained, threatening him with new dangers and insults. While 
they were advancing, an event more cruel and afflicting than 
any which he dreaded from them, happened. The governor of 
Hi^paniola, still under the influence of dark suspicions, sent a 
small bark to Jamaica, not to relieve Columbus, or deliver his 
distressed countrymen, but to spy out their condition. 

Fearing: the sympathy of those whom he sent would operate too 
powerfully in favour of their countrymen, he sent Escobar, an 
inveterate enemy of Columbus, who adhered to his instructions, 
with malignant accuracy: cast anchor at some distance from 
the island, approached the shore in a small boat, took a view of 
the wretched state of the Spaniards, delivered a letter of ,<empty 
compliment to the admiral, received his answer, and departed. 

When the Spaniards first descried the vessel standing towards 
the island, every heart exulted, expecting the hour of their de- 
liverance had arrived : but when the vessel disappeared, they 
sunk into the deepest dejection, and all their hopes were lost. 
Columbus alone, though he felt this wanton insult, retained such 
composure, as to be able to cheer his followers. He assured them 
that IVIendezand Fiesrhi, had reached ilispaniola in safety ; and 
that they would speedily procure ships to carry them off; and as 
Escobars vessel could not cany them all, he had refused to go 
with her. because he was determined not to abandon his faithful 
companions in distress; soothed with the expectation of a speedy 
deliverance, and delighted with his apparent generosity, in at- 
tending more to their preservation than his own, their spirits 
revived, and he regained their confidence. 

The mutineers were now at hand. All his endeavours to re- 
claim those desperadoes, had no effect, but to encrease their 
phrenzy. Their demands became more extravagant, and their 
intentions more violent and bloody. It became necessary to op- 
pose them with open force. 



AMERICA. 67 

Columbus who had been long afflicted with the gout, could not 
take the field. His brother, the Adelantado, marched against 
them. They quickly met. The mutineers rejected with scorn, 
all offers of accommodation, and rushed on boldly to the attack. 
They were repulsed at the first onset, and several of their most 
daring leaders were slain. The Adelantado, whose strength was 
equal to his courage, closed with their captain, wounded, dis- 
armed him; and made him a prisoner. This disconcerted the 
rest, who fled with a dastardly fear, equal to their former inso- 
lence. Soon after they submitted in a body to Columbus v and 
bound themselves in # the most solemn oaths, to submit to his com- 
mands. 

Hardly was tranquility established, when the ships appear- 
ed, whose arrival Columbus had promised. With transports of 
joy the Spaniards quitted an island, in which the mean jealousy 
of Ovando had suffered them to languish above a year, exposed 
to misery in various forms. 

When they arrived at St. Domingo, the fourteenth of Au- 
gust, 1504, the governor, with that mean artifice usually at- 
tending vulgar minds, that labours to atone for insolence, with 
servility now fawned on the man he had attempted to ruin. He 
received Columbus with the most stttdied respect, lodged him in 
his own house, and distinguished him with every mark of ho- 
nour. But, amidst those overacted demonstrations of regard, 
he could not conceal the malignity latent in his heart. He set 
at liberty the captain of the mutineers, whom Columbus had 
brought over in chains, to be tried for his crimes, and threaten- 
ed those who had adhered to the admiral, with proceeding to 
judicial inquiry into their conduct. 

Columbus submitted in silence to what he could not redress : 
but was impatient to quit a country under the jurisdiction of a 
man who had treated him with such inhumanity and injustice. 
His preparations were soon finished, and he set sad for Spain 
with two ships. Disasters still continued to accompany him ; 
one of his vessels was so disabled, as to be forced back to St. 
Domingo; the other shattered by violent storms, sailed seven 
hundred leagues with jury masts, and reached with difficulty, 
the port of St. Lucar. 

There he received an account of an event, the most dis- 
couraging that could have happened. This was the death ot 
I his pratroness, queen Isabella, in whose justice, humanity, and 
favour he confided, as his last resource. Not one was now left 
to redress his wrongs, or to reward him for his services and suf- 
ferings, but Ferdinand, who had so long opposed, and so olten 
had inj ired him. To solicit a prince, prejudiced against him, 
was iiksome and hopeless. In this, however, was Columbus 
■loomed to employ the close of his days. 



58 HISTORY, &e. 

As soon as his health would permit, he repaired to courts 
where he was received with civility barely decent : he present- 
ed petition after petition, demanded the punishment of his op- 
pressors, and the rights and privileges bestowed upon him, by 
the capitulation of one thousand four hundred and ninety-two. 
Ferdinand continued to amusehim with fair words and unmean- 
ing promises. Instead of granting his claims, he proposed ex- 
pedients in order to elude them. 

The declining health of Columbus, flattered Ferdinand with 
the hopes of being soon delivered from an importunate suitor, 
nor was he deceived in his expectations. liisgusted with the in- 
gratitude of a monarch, whom he had served with such fidelity 
and success, worn out with fatigues and hardships, and broken 
with infirmities, which these brought upon him, Columbus end- 
ed his life at Vallaclolid, on the twentieth of May, one thousand 
five hundred and six, in the fifty ninth year of his age. He 
died with that composure of mind, suitable to the magnanimity 
which distinguished his character, and with sentiments of piety 
becoming that supreme respect for religion, which he manifested 
in every occurrence of his life. 



HISTORY OF AMERICA, 



BOOK II. 

WHILE Columbus was employed in his last voyage, the cojo 
nv of Hispaniola was gradual iv acquiring the form of a regular 
government: the humane solicitude of Isabella to protect ibe In- 
dians from oppression, and the proclamation, by which the Span- 
iards were prohibited from compelling them to work, retarded, 
for some time, the progress of improvement. The natives, who 
considered exemption from labour as supreme happiness, reject- 
ed with scorn every allurement by which thev were invited to 
work. The Spaniards, accustomed tO;&ue service of the Indians, 
quirted the islam!; many of those whofame over with Ovando 
were seized with distempers peculiar to the climate; and in a 
short time near a thousand of them died. At the same time, the 
demand of one half of the product of the mines claimed by the 
erown, was found to be an exaction so exorbitant, that there was 
none to be found that w r ould engage to worR them upon such terms. 
Ovando, to save the colony from ruin, relaxed th« rigour of the 
royal edicts, and again distributed the Indians among the Span- 
iards, compelling them to work, for a stated time, in digging the 
mines, or in cultivating the ground; to cover this breach *f hi s 
instructions, he enjoined their masters to pay them a certain sm>i, 
as the price of their work. He reduced the royal share of the 
gold found in the mines of one fifth, and was so fortunate as to 
persuade the court to approve of these regulations. 

The Indians, after enjoying a short respite from servitude, now 
felt the yoke of bondage to be so galling, that they made several 
attempts to regain their freedom. This the Spaniards considered 
as rebellion, and took arms in order to reduce them to obedience : 
considering them not as men fighting in defence of their liberty, 
but as slaves, who had revolted against their masters. Their ca- 
ziques, when taken, were condemned like the leaders of a ban- 
ditti, to the most cruel and ignominious punishments; and all 
their subjects without regard to rank, were reduced to the same 
abject slavery. Such was the fate of the cazique of Iliguey, a 
province in the eastern extremity of the island. 

This war was occasioned by the perfidy of the Spaniards, in vi- 
olating a treaty, began and concluded by them with the natives ; 
and was terminated by hanging up the cazique, who defended his 
pie with a bravery that deserved a better fate. 

But las treatment of Anacoana, a female cazique, was still more- 
treacherous and cruel. The province anciently called Xaragua, 
which extends from the fertile plain where Leo^anc is now situ- 



60 HISTORY OF 

ated, to the western extremity of the island, was subject to her 
authority. She, £rom that partial fondness with which the women 
of America were attached to the Europeans, had always courted 
the friendship of the Spaniards, and done them good offices. But 
some of the adherents of Roldan, having settled in her country, 
were so exasperated at her endeavouring; to restrain their ex- 
cesses, that they accused her of a design of throwing off the yoke, 
and destroving the Spaniards. 

Ovando/ though he knew that little credit was due to such 
profligate characters, marched without further inquiry towards 
Xara2?ua, with three hundred foot, and seventy horsea.en. To 
prevent the Indians from taking alarm at this hostile appearance, 
be gave out that it was his sole intention to visit Anacoana, to 
whom his countrymen had been so much indebted, and to regulate 
wih her the mode of levying the tribute payable to the king of 
Spain. 

Anacoana, in order to receive this illustrious guest with due 
honour, assembled the principal men in her dominions, to the 
number of three hundred, and advancing at their head, accom- 
panied by a vast crowd of the lower rank, she welcomed Ovando 
with songs and dances, and conducted him to the place of her 
residence. There he was entertained for several days, with all 
the kindness of simple hospitality, and amused with games and 
spectacles usual among the natives, upon occasions of mirth and 
festi^ty. 

Amidst the security which this inspired, Ovando was meditat- 
ing the de>truction of his unsuspicious and generous entertainer, 
and her subjects; and the manner in which he executed his 
scheme, discovered such meanness and barbarity, as must shock 
every lover of humanity. 

Under colour of shewing the Indians an European tournament, 
he advanced with his troops in battle array. The infantry took 
possession of all the avenues which led to the village, while the 
horsemen encompassed the house in which Anacoana and her 
chiefs were assembled. These movements were beheld with ad- 
miration, without any mixture of fear: until, upon a signal, the 
Spaniards drew their swords, and rushed upon the Indians, who 
were defenceless, and astonished at an act of treachery, which 
exceeded their conception. Anacoana was instantly secured ; all 
her attendants who were in the house, were seized and bound. 
Fire was set to the house: and without examination, all those un- 
happy persons, the most illustrious in their own country, were 
consumed in the flames. Anacoana was reserved for a more ig- 
nominious fate. She was carried in chains to St. Domingo; and, 
after the formality of a trial before Spanish judges, she was con- 
demned upon the evidence of those very men wlio had betrayed 
her, to be publicly hanged. 



AMERICA. 61 

The Indians, overawed and humbled by the destruction of their 
chief and principal men, submitted to the Spanish yoke. Ovando 
distributed them among his friends on the island. The exactions 
of their oppressors no longer knew any bounds. But barbarous as 
their policy was, and fatal to the natives, it produced considerable 
consequences, by calling forth the exertion of a whole nation, 
pointing it in one direction. 

The working of the mines was carried on with amazing success. 
During several years the gold brought into the royal smelting 
houses in Hispaniola, amounted annually to sixty thousand pesos, 
above one hundred thousand pounds sterling : an immense sum at 
that time. 

Although Ovando had treated the Indians with cruelty and 
treachery, he governed the Spaniards with wisdom and justice : 
he established equal laws, and executed them impartially ; he en- 
deavoured to turn the attention of the Spaniards to industry, more 
useful than searching the mines for gold. Some slips of the sugar- 
cane having been brought from the Canaries by way of experi- 
ment, were found to thrive with such increase in the rich and 
warm soil of Hispaniola, that the cultivation of them became an 
object of commerce : and, in a few years, the manufacturing this 
commodity became the great object of the inhabitants, and most 
certain source of their wealth. 

But notwithstanding this prosperous appearance of the colony a 
calamity impended, which threatened its dissolution. The na- 
tives, on whose labour the Spaniards depended, wasted so fast, 
that the extinction of their whole race appeared to be inevitable. 
When Columbus discovered Hispaniola, the number of the inha- 
bitants was computed to be at least a million. They were now 
reduced to sixty thousand in the space of fifteen years. This ama- 
zing consumption of the human species, was the effect of several 
concurring causes. The inactive indolence in which they were 
used to pass their days, as it was the effect of their debility, con- 
tributed to increase it ; their food afforded but little nourishment, 
and taken in such small quantities, as was not sufficient ta invig- 
orate a languid frame, and render it equal to the efforts industry 
"required. 

The Spaniards without attending to those peculiarities in the 
constitution of the Indians, imposed such tasks upon them, that 
many sunk under the fatigue, and ended their wretched days* 
Others in despair cut short their own existence with a violent 
hand. Diseases of various kinds completed the desolation 01 the 
island. The Spaniards thus deprived of their slaves found it im- 
possible to extend their improvements, or even carry on the 
works which they had already begun. 

Ovando, in order to provide an immediate remedy for an evil so 
alarming, proposed to transport inhabitants of the Lucayo islands 

F 



62 HISTORY OF 

to Hispaniola, under pretence they might be civilized with more 
facility, and instructed to greater advantage in the christian faith, 
if they were united to the Spanish colony, and under the imme- 
diate inspection of the missionaries settled there. 

Ferdinand deceived by this artifice, or willing to connive at an 
act of violence which policy represented as necessary, assented to 
the proposal. Several vessels were fitted out for the Lucayos, 
the commanders of which informed the natives, with whose lan- 
guage they were now acquainted, that they came from a delight- 
ful country, in which their departed ancestors resided, by whom 
they were sent to invite them to partake of that bliss which they 
enjoyed. The simple people listened with wonder and credulity ; 
and delighted with the idea of visiting their relations and friends 
in that happy region, followed the Spaniards with eagerness. 

By this artifice, above forty thousand were decoyed into Hispa- 
niola to mingle their groans and tears with its native inhabitants. 
The ardour with which the Spaniards pursued their operations in 
the mines, and the success attending their pursuit seemed to have 
engrossed their whole attention: no enterprise of any moment 
had beenundartaken since the last voyage of Columbus. But the 
rapid decrease of the Indians rendered it impossible to acquire 
wealth with that facility as formerly ; they began to form new 
schemes of aggrandizement, and the spirit of discovering new 
countries revived. 

Juan Ponce de Leon, who commanded under Ovando in the 
eastern district of Hispaniola, passed over to the island of St. John 
de Puerto Rico, which Columbus had discovered in his second 
voyage, and penetrated into the interior part of the country. As 
he* found the soil fertile, and ex ected from the information of the 
inhabitants, to discover gold mines in the mountains, Ovando per- 
mitted him to make a settlement. This was easily eift cted by 
that officer, who was eminent for his conduct and courage. 

In a few years Puerto, Rico was subject to the Spanish govern- 
ment; the natives were i educed to servitude, and treated with the 
same inconsiderate i igaar as those of Hispaniola ; and were soon 
exterminated. 

About this time, Juan Diaz de Solis, in conjunction with Vin- 
cent Yanez Pinzon, one of Columbus's original companions, made 
a voyage to the continent. They held the same course which 
Cslumbus had taken, as far as to the island of Guanicos ; but, 
standing from thence to the west, discovered a new and extensive 
province, afterwards known by the name of Yucatan, and pro- 
ceeded along the coast of that country. 

This led to discoveries of greater importance. Sebastian de 
Ocampo, by the command of Ovando, sailed round Cuba, and first 
discovered that this country, which Columbus once supposed to 
be a part of the continent, was a large island. This was one o( 
i^te last occurrences of Ovando's adhinistration. 



AMERICA. 6$ 

Ever since the death of Columbus, his son Don Diego, had been 
employed in soliciting Ferdinand to grant him the offices of vice- 
roy and admiral, in the New World, together with all the other 
immunities and profits, which descended to him by inheritance, 
in consequence of the original capitulation with his father. But 
if these dignities and revenues appeared so considerable to Fer- 
dinand, that at the expense of being deemed unjust as well as 
ungrateful, he had wrested them from Columbus, it is not sur- 
prising that he should withhold them from the son. 

Don Diego, after wasting two years in fruitless solicitation, 
brought his suit against Ferdinand, before the council that man- 
aged Indian affairs, and that court with that integrity, which re- 
flects honour upon its proceedings, decided against the king, and 
confirmed Don Diego's claim of the viceroyalty, and all the 
other privileges, stipulated in the capitulation. 

The sentence of the council of the Indies, gave him a title to 
a rank so elevated, and a fortune so opulent, that he found no 
difficulty in concluding a marriage with Donna Maria, daughter 
of Don Ferdinand de Toledo, great commendator of Leon, and 
brother of the duke of Alva, a grandee of the first rank, and 
nearly related to the king. The duke and his family so warmly- 
espoused the cause of their new ally, that Ferdinand could not 
resist their solicitations. He recalled Ovando, and appointed 
Don Diego his successor, in 1509: in conferring this favour, he 
could not conceal his jealousy; for he allowed him only to as- 
sume the title of governor, and not that of viceroy, which had 
been adjudged to him. 

He soon repaired to Hispaniola, attended by his uncles, his 
wife, (whom the courtesy of the Spaniards honoured with the 
title of vice-queen) and a numerous retinue of persons of both 
sexes, descended of good families. He lived with a splendour and 
magnificence, hitherto unknown in the New World; and the 
family of Columbus seemed now to enjoy the honours and re- 
wards due to his superior genius : and of which he had been cru- 
elly defrauded. 

The colony acquired new lustre by the accession of so many 
i inhabitants of a different rank and character, from those who 
had hitherto emigrated to America ; and many of the most il- 
lustrious families in the Spanish settlements, are descended from, 
the persons who attended Don Diego at that time. Though it 
was above ten years since Columbus had discovered the main 
land of America, the Spaniards had hitherto made no settle- 
ment in any part of it: but Alonzo de Ojeda, who had former- 
ly made two voyages as a discoverer, by which he acquired 
considerable reputation, but no wealth; his character for intre- 
pidity and conduct, easily procured him associates, who advanc- 
ed the money requisite to defray the charges of the expedition. 



64 HISTORY OF 

About the same time, Diego de Nicuessa, who had acquired a 
large fortune in Hispaniola, revived the spirit of his countrymen. 
Ferdinand encouraged both; and though he refused to advance 
the smallest sum. was very liberal of" titles and patents. He 
erected two governments on the continent; one extending from 
the Cape de Vela, to the gulf of ,Darien, and the other from 
that to Cape Gracios a Dios. The former was given to Ojeda, 
the latter to Nicuessa. 

Ojeda fitted out a ship and two brigantines, with three hundred 
men : Nicuessa, six vessels, with seven hundred and eighty men. 
They sailed about the same time from St. Domingo, for their 
respective governments. There is not in the history of mankind, 
any thing more singular or extravagant, than the form and cer- 
emony they made use of in taking possession of the country. 
They endeavoured to convince the natives of the articles of tne 
Christian faith, and in particular, of the jurisdiction of the 
pope over all the kingdoms of the earth ; and that he had grant- 
ed their country to the king of Spain : they required them to 
submit to his authority, and embrace the Catholic religion. If 
they refused to comply, Ojeda and Nicuessa, were authorised 
to attack with sword and fire; to reduce them, their wives, and 
children to a state of servitude, and compel them by force 
to submit to the authority of the king, and jurisdiction of the 
church. 

The Indians of the continent, spurned with indignation at 
propositions so extravagant: they could not conceive how a 
foreign priest, of whom they had no knowledge, could have a 
right to dispose of their country ; or how a prince, altogether 
a stranger to them, should claim the right of commanding them 
as his subjects. They turned to ridicule such extravagant pro- 
posals, and fiercely opposed the new invaders of their territo- 
ries. Ojeda and Nicuessa, endeavoured to effect by force, what 
they could not accomplish by persuasion. 

They found the natives of the continent different from their 
countrymen in the islands ; they were fierce and brave. Their 
arrows were dipped in poison so deadly, that every wound was 
followed with certain death. In one encounter, they cut off se- 
venty of Ojeda's followers, and the Spaniards were, for the first 
time, taught to dread the inhabitants of the New World. No- 
thing could soften their ferocity. Though the Spaniards practis- 
ed every art to sooth them, and gain their confidence, they re- 
fused to hold any intercourse or exchange any friendly office: 
they considered them as enemies come to deprive them of their 
liberty and independence. 

Though the Spaniards received two considerable reinforce- 
ments, the greater part of those engaged in this unhappy enter- 
prise, perished in less than a year, A few who survived, set- 



AMERICA. 65 

tied a feeble colony, at Santa Maria el Antigua, on the gulf of 
Darien, under the command of Vascd Nugnez de Balboa, who, 
in the most desperate extremities, displayed such courage and 
conduct, as gained him the confidence of his countrymen, and 
marked him our for a leader, in more splendid and successful un- 
dertakings. Nor was he the only adventurer, who will appear 
with lustre in more important scenes. 

Fancis PizaTO, who was one of Ojeda's companions, after- 
wards performed many extraordinary actions. Ferdinand Cor- 
tes, whose name became still more famous, had engaged early 
in this enter prize, which roused all the active youth of Hispani- 
ola to arms ; but the good fortune which attended him in his sub- 
sequent adventures, interposed to save him from the disasters', 
to which his companions were exposed. He was taken ill at St. 
Domingo, before the departure of the fleet, and there detained. 

The unfortunate issue of this expedite in 1511, did not de- 
ter the Spaniards, from engaging in ne r schemes of a similar 
nature. Don Diego Columbus proposed to conquer the island of 
Cuba, and to establish a colony there. Many persons of dis- 
tinction in Hispaniola entered with alacrity into the measure. 

The command of the troops sent on this expedition, was giv- 
en to Diego Velasquez, one of his fathers companions in his se- 
cond voyage, whose ample fortune, long residence in Hispaniola, 
and reputation for probity and prudence, qualified him for con- 
ducting an expedition of importance. Three hundred men were 
deemed sufficient for the conquest of an island, seven hundred 
miles in length, and filled with inhabitants. But as they were 
of the same unwarlike people as those of Hispaniola, the un- 
dertaking was not very hazardous. 

The only obstruction the Spaniards met with, was from Ha- 
tuey, a cazique who had fled from Hispaniola and taken posses- 
sion of the eastern extremity of Cuba. He stood upon the de- 
fensive when they first landed and endeavoured to drive them 
back to their ships. His feeble troops, were soon broken and 
dispersed; and he himself made prisoner. He was soon con- 
demned to the flames. While he was fastened to the stake, a 
Franciscan friar labouring to convert him, promised him the im- 
mediate joys of heaven it' he would embrace the christian fkith ; 
" Are there any Spaniards,"' said he after some pause " in that re- 
" ^ion of bliss which you describe ?" Yes, replied the monk, but 
only such as are worthy and good. " The best of them," repli- 
ed the indignaut cazique, '• have neither worth nor goodness: 
" I will not go to a place where I shall see one of that accursed 
" race." With this dreadful example, the natives were so intimi- 
dated, that they submitted to their invaders, and Velasquez, 
without the loss of one man, annexed this large and fertile island 
to the Spanish monarchy. 

F2 



66 HISTORY OF 

Juan Potacede Leon, about the year 1512, discovered Florida ; 
he attempted to land in different places, but was repulsed with 
such vigour by the natives, as convinced him that an increase of 
force was necessary, to make a settlement with safety. But the 
primary object which induced him to undertake this voyage, was 
a tradition that prevailed among the natives of Puerto Rico, that 
in the island of Bimini, there was a fountain of such wonderful 
virtue, as to renew youth, and recall the 'strength and vigour of 
every person who bathed in it. That a tale so incredible should 
gain belief, among simple uninstructed Indians is not surprising; 
but that it should make an impression on enlightened people, ap- 
pears in the present age, altogether incredible. The fact how- 
ever is certain, and Robertson, in his history of America, says, 
the most authentic Spanish historians mention this extravagant 
attempt of their credulous countrymen. 

Soon after the expedition to Florida a discovery of much grea- 
ter consequence was made in another part of America. Balboa 
having been raised to the government of Santa Maria in Darien, 
made frequent inroads into the adjacent country. In one of these 
excursions, the Spaniards contended with such eagerness about 
the division of some gold, that they were upon the point of pro- 
ceeding to violence. A young cazique, astonished at the high 
value they set upon a thing of which he did not discern the use, 
tumbled the gold out of the balance with indignation ; and turn- 
ing to the Spaniards, '• Why do you quarrel (say he) about such 
a trifle? if you are so fond of gold as to abandon your own coun- 
try, and to disturb the tranquility of other nations for its sake, I 
will conduct you to a region where this metal is in such abun- 
dance, that the most common utensils are made of it. 1 ' Trans- 
ported with what they heard, Balboa and the rest inquired ea- 
gerly where this country lay, and how they might arrive at it. 
lie informed them, that at the distance of six suns, (that is of six 
days' journey) they should discover another ocean, near to which 
this wealthy kingdom was situated; but he told them if they in- 
tended to attack that powerful state, they must have forces far 
superior in number to those with which they now appeared. 

Balboa had now before him objects equal to his boundless am- 
bition, and the ardour of his genius: but previous arrangements 
and preparations were requisite to ensure success. It was his 
primary object to secure the friendship of the neighbouring ca- 
ziques ; he sent some of his officers to Hispaniola with a large 
quantity of gold. By a proper distribution of this, they secured 
the favour of the governor, and allured volunteers into the ser- 
vice. A considerable reinforcement from that island joined him, 
and with these he attempted a discovery. 

The isthmus of Darien is not above sixty miles in breadth ; 
this neck of laud strengthened by a chain of lofty mountains; 



AMERICA. 6? 

stretching through its whole extent, binds together the Continents 
of North and South America, and forms a sufficient barrier to re- 
sist the impulse of two opposite oceans. The mountains are co- 
vered with forests almost inaccessible. The low lands are mar- 
shy and frequently overflowed, so that the inhabitants find it ne- 
cessary, in many places, to build their houses on trees, to avoid 
the damps from the soil, and the odious reptiles which breed in 
the putrid waters. 

To march across this unexplored country with Indian guides, 
of whose fidelity they were doubtful, was the boldest enterprize 
undertaken by the Spaniards, since the fi'st discovery of the 
New World, But the intrepidity and prudent conduct of Bal- 
boa surmounted every obstacle. With only one hundred and 
ninety men and some of those fierce dogs, which were no less 
formidable to their naked enemies, and one thousand Indians, 
he set out on this expedition, in the year 1513. 

No sooner aid he begin to advance than he was retarded by 
many obstacles which he had reason to apprehend, from the na- 
ture of the con? try, and the hostility of its inhabitants. Some of 
the caziques tied at his approach, with all their people to the 
mountains. Others collected their subjects in order to oppose his 
progress. 

When they had penetrated a considerable distance into the 
mountains, a powerful cazique appeared in a narrow pa**, with 
a numerous body of troops to oppose them. The Spaniards, who 
had surmounted so many obstacles, despised the opposition of 
such feeble enemies. They attacked them with such impetuosity, 
that the Indians gave way at the first onset, and many of them 
were slain ; after which the Spaniards continued their march. 
Though their guide had told them it was but six days' journey 
across the isthmus, yet they had now been twenty -five days in 
forcing their way through the woods. Many of them were ready 
to sink under the fatigues they had undergone, and all began to 
be impatient to reach the period of their sufferings : at length the 
Indians assured them that from the top of the next mountain 
they could discover the ocean which was the object of their 
wishes. 

When they had, with infinite toil, ascended the greater part 
of that steep ascent, Balboa commanded his men to halt, and he 
alone advanced to the summit, that he might be the first to be- 
hold a spectacle which he had so long been in quest of As soon 
as he beheld the South Sea stretching in endless prospect below 
him, he fell on his knees, and lifting up his eyes to Heaven, re- 
turned thanks to God, who had conducted him to a discovery so 
beneficial to his country, and so honourable to himself His fol- 
lowers observing his transports, rushed forward and joined to his 
wonder, exultation and gratitude^ 



68 HISTORY OF 

They descended with alacrity to the shore, and Balboa ad- 
vancing up to his middle in the waves, with lis buckler and 
swords took possession of that Ocean, in the name of the king 
his master, and vowed to defend it against all his enemies. 

That part of the great Pacific or Southern ocean which Bal- 
boa first discovered, still retains the name of the gulf of St. 
Michael, which he gave it : and is situated to the east of Pa- 
nama. 

From several of the petty princes, who governed in districts 
adjacent to that gulf, Balboa extorted provisions and gold, by 
force of arms. Others supplied him voluntaiilv. To these ac- 
ceptable presents some of the caziques added some valuable 
pearls^ and he learned from them that pearl oysters abounded 
in the ocean he had discovered. The people on the coast of the 
South Sea concurred in informing him that there was a mighty 
and wealthy kingdom situated eastwardly, the inhabitants of 
which made use of tame animals to carry their burdens. They 
drew upon the sand the figure of the Lamas or sheep which the 
Peruvians had taught to perform such services as they described. 

Balboa led his followers back by a different route, that he 
might acquire a better knowledge of the isthmus. This route 
he found no less dangerous and difficult, than that which he had 
already taken. But being now elated with success, they sur- 
mounted every difficulty, and returned to Santa Maria in safety. 

In this expedition none of Balboa's officers distinguished them- 
selves more than Francisco Pizarro in opening a communication 
with those countries in which he afterwards acted such an illus- 
trious part. The first care of Balboa was to send information to 
Spain of the discovery he had made, and to demand a reinforce- 
ment of a thousand men to attempt the conquest of that opulent 
country, of which he had been informed by the Indian natives. 

The first account of the discovery of the New World did not 
excite greater sensations of joy than that of a passage being at 
last discovered to the great Southern ocean, through which a 
passage to the East Indies, by a line to westward of the line of 
demarkation drawn by the Pope, seemed almost certain. Fer- 
dinand now expected to come in for a share of the vast wealth 
that flowed into Portugal; his eagerness to obtain it made him 
willing to.Jiiake greater efforts than Balboa required. But his 
jealous ••'disposition, and the fatal antipathy of Fonseca, now bi- 
shop of Burgos, to every man of merit, who distinguished him- 
self in the New World, were conspicuous. 

Notwithstanding the merit and recent services- of Balboa, Fer- 
dinand was so ungenerous as to overlook these, and appointed Pe- 
ri r arias Davilla governor of Darien. He gave him the command 
of fifteen large vessels of twelve hundred soldiers^ these were 
fitted out with a liberality, at the public expense, which Ferdi- 



AMERICA. 69 

Hand had never displayed in any former armament, destined for 
the New World : and &uch was the ardour of the Spanish gen- 
tlemen to embark to a country where* as fame reported, they had 
only to ca<t their nets into the sea and draw out gold. Fifteen 
hundred of these accompanied Pedrarias; many more, had they 
been permitted, would have engaged in the expedition. 

Pedrarias arrived at the gulf of JOarien without any remarkable 
accident, and immediately sent some of his principal officers on 
shore to inform Balboa of his arrival, with the king's commission 
to be governor of the colony. Balboa received them with dignity. 
The fame of his discoveries had drawn so many adventurers from 
the islands, that he could muster four hundred and fifty men ; 
with these hardy veterans, who murmured loud at the injustice 
of the king in superceding their governor, Balboa was able to 
have defeated the forces Pedrarias brought with him; but he 
submitted with implicit obedience to the commands of his sove- 
reign, and received Pedrarias with all the deference due to his 
character. 

The moderation of Balboa to which Pedrarias owed the peace- 
able possession of his government, did not screen him from the 
envy his merit had excited in the breast of the new governor. 
Pedrarias appointed a judicial inquiry to be made into his con- 
duct, and imposed a considerable fine upon him for certain irreg- 
ularities he had committed. Balboa felt his mortification sensi- 
bly in a place where he had held the chief command. Pedrarias 
could not conceal his jealousy of his superior merit, which gave 
rise to dissentions extremely* prejudicial to the colony. 

Balboa saw with concern, that the governor, by his ill-judged 
proceedings, retarded the execution of his favourite scheme, sent 
strong remonstrances to Spain against the imprudent government 
of Pedrarias, who had alienated the friendship of the natives 
from the Spaniards, by countenancing his troops to plunder and 
oppress them at pleasure. Pedrarias on the other hand, accused 
him of having deceived the king by magnifying his own exploits,, 
and the opulence and value of the country. 

Ferdinand was now sensible he had acted imprudently in super- 
ceding the most active and enterprizing officer in the New 
World, and to make Balboa some compensation, he appointed 
him Adelantado, or lieutenant governor, of the countries upon the 
South sea, with very extensive privileges and authority. At the 
same time he enjoined Pedrarias to support him in all his en- 
terprizes, and to consult with him in any measures he himself 
pursued. But Ferdinand's power was not sufficient to eradicate 
that enmity which Pedrarias had for Balboa. 

The interposition and exhortations of the Bishop of Darien, 
produced a short lived reconciliation ; and Pedrarias agreed to 
give his daughter in marriage to Balboa. The first effect of their 



70 HISTORY OF 

concord was, that Balboa was permitted to make several excur- 
sions into the country. These were conducted with such pru- 
dence as added to his reputation. Many adventurers resorted 
to hiro, and with the support of Pedrarias, he began to prepare 
for his expedition to the South Sea. 

After surmounting many obstacles, he finished four brigan- 
tines ; in these, with three hundred chosen men, (a force superior 
to that with which Pizarro afterwards undertook the same expe- 
dition) he was ready to sail towards Peru, when he received an 
unexpected message from Pedrarias, who began to dread the 
prosperity of a man, whom, (notwithstanding his late reconcilia- 
tion) he envied and feared ; and so violently did the passions of 
hatred, fear, and jealousy operate upon his mind, that, in order 
to gratify his vengeance, he scrupled not to oppose the orders of 
his sovereign, and defeat an undertaking of the utmost impor- 
tance to his country. 

Under false, but plausible pretexts, he desired Balboa to put 
off his voyage for a short time, and to repair to Aela, in order 
that he might have an interview with him. Balboa, conscious of 
no crime, instantly obeyed the summons; but no sooner had he 
arrived, than he was instantly arrested, by order of Pedrarias, 
whose impatience to satiate his revenge, did not suffer him long 
to languish in confinement. Judges were immediately appointed 
to proceed on his trial. Disloyalty to the king, and an intention 
to revolt against the governor, were the crimes he was accused 
of: sentence of death was pronounced ; and, notwithstanding the 
judges who passed it, seconded by the principal inhabitants of the 
colony, interceded warmly for his pardon, Pedrarias was inex- 
orable : and to the sorrow and astonishment of the whole colony, 
they beheld the public execution of a man, whom they univer- 
sally esteemed more capable than any that had command in 
America, of forming and executing great designs. 

After the death of Balboa, several officers who had served un- 
der Pedrarias, entered into an association to undertake a voy- 
age of discovery. They persuaded Francisco Hernandez Cor- 
dova, a wealthy planter in Cuba, and a man of distinguished 
courage, to join with them in the enterprize. 

Velasques, governor of Cuba, approved of the design, and as- 
sisted in carrying it on; he and Cordova, advanced money for 
purchasing three small vessels, and furnished them with every 
thing necessary, either for traffic or war. One hundred a*id ten 
men embarked on board of them, and sailed from tuba, un the 
eighth of February, 1517. They stood directly west, relyins: on 
the opinion of Columbus, who uniformly maintained/ that a 
westerly course would lead to the most important discoveries. 

On the twenty -first day after their departure from Oi'ba, they 
saw land; which proved to be Cape Catoche, the eastern point 



AMERICA. 

of that large peninsula projecting from the continent, which still 
retains its original name of Yucatan. 

As they approched the shore, five canoes came off, filled with 
people decently clad in cotton garments; an astonishing specta- 
cle to the Spaniards, who had been accustomed to see nothing 
but naked savages, in all their former excursions. The natives, 
though amazed at the Europeans, invited them to visit their hab- 
itations, with the appearance of great cordiality. They landed 
accordingly; and as they advanced into the country, they were 
surprized at the sight of large houses built with stone. Not- 
withstanding their improvements in the arts of civilized life, 
above their countrymen, the Spaniards found them also more art- 
ful and warlike. For, though the cazique received Cordova with 
many tokens of friendship, he had placed a large body of his 
countrymen in ambush behind a thicket, who, upon a signal giv- 
en by ~ him, rushed out and attacked the Spaniards with great 
boldness, and in some degree of martial order. 

At the first flight of their arrows, fifieen of the Spaniards were 
wounded. But the Indians were struck with such terror, by the 
sudden explosion of their fire arms, and so intimidated not only 
by them but by the cross-bows, and other weapons of their ene- 
mies, that they fled precipitately; and Cordova was willing to 
leave a country, where he had tnet with such a fierce reception, 
carrying off two prisoners, together with the ornaments of a small 
temple, which he plundered in his retreat. 

He continued to pursue a westerly course keeping the coast in 
view, and on the sixteenth day arrived at Campeachy. There 
the natives received them with more hospitality. They proceed- 
ed further along the coast, and discovered the mouth of a river 
at Pontonchon, some leagues beyond Campeachy. Cordova land- 
ed all his troops to protect the sailors, who were employed in fill- 
in^ their casks with water. The natives, nevertheless, rushed 
down upon them with such fury, and in such numbers, that forty- 
severs of the Spaniards were killed upon the spot, and but one 
man among them escaped unhurt. Their commander, though 
wounded iti twelve different places, directed the retreat with 
prudence equal to the courage with which he had led them on to ' 
the engagement, and with much difficulty they regained their 
ships. 

Nothing remained now but to hasten back to Cuba with their 
shattered forces. They suffered extremely for want of water, 
especially toe wounded and sickly who were exposed to tiie heat 
of the torrid zone. Some of them died, and Cordova their com- 
mander, expired soon after they landed in Cuba. 

Notwithstanding the unfortunate ii*ue of this expedition, th ex- 
had now discovered an extensive territory not far from Cuba; 
aices relate*! by the adventurers with exaggeration. 



T2 HISTORY OF 

natural to men desirous to spread the merit of their own exploits, 
were sufficient to raise romantic hopes and expectations. Great 
numbers offered to engage in a new expedition. Velasques, eager 
to distinguish himself by some brilliant undertaking, as might 
entitle him to claim the'government of Cuba, independent of the 
admiral ; at his own expense fitted out four ships for the voyage. 
In these embarked two hundred and forty volunteers, among 
whom were several persons of rank and fortune. 

The command was given to Juan de Grijalva, a young officer 
of distinguished merit and courage. He sailed from Cuba on the 
eighth of April 1518 : they held the same course as in the former 
voyage ; but the violence of the currents carried them farther 
south. The first land they made was the island of Cozumel, to 
the east of Yucatan : and without any remarkable occurrence, 
they reached Potonchon on the opposite side of the Peninsula. 
The desire of revenging their countrymen who were slain there, 
as well as from policy, they were eager to land. But though they 
embarked all their troops, as well as some field pieces, the In- 
dians fought with such courage, that the Spaniards gained the 
victory with difficulty. 

From Potonchon they continued their voyage towards the west 
keeping near the shore. During the day their eyes were con- 
stantly towards the land, with surprize and wonder at <he beauty 
of the country, and the novelty of objects around them. "^lany 
villages were scattered along the coast, in which they could dis- 
tinguish houses of stone that appeared white and lofty at a dis- 
tance; one of the soldiers remarked that this country resemt(ed 
Spain at a distance. Grijalva, wilh universal applause, calleAit 
New Spain, the name which still distinguishes this exttnsi e 
and opulent province. 

On the ninth of June they landed at a river which the native^ 
called Tobasco, and the fame of their victory at Potonchon hav- 
ing reached this place, the eazique received them amicably, and 
bestowed presents upon them, of such value as inspired them with 
high ideas of the wealth and fertility of the country. These ideas 
were confirmed at the next place at which they touched : this 
was at the west of Tobasco, in the province since known by the 
name of Guaxaco. They were received with respect paid as to 
superior beings. The people perfumed them as they landed, 
with incense of gum copal, and offered them the most choice deli- 
cacies of their country: and in six days the Spaniards obtained 
ornaments of gold of curious workmanship to the value of fifteen 
thousand pesos, in exchange for European toys of small value. 

As the Spaniards could not understand the language of the na- 
tives, they learned from them by signs that they were the subjects 
of a great monarch called Montezuma, whose dominion extend- 
ed over that and many other provinces. 



AMERICA. 7S 

Leaving; tins place they landed on a small island which they 
calleJ the irdaul <>f Sacrifices: because there they beheld, for 
the first time, human victims which the natives had offered to their 
gods. Some of the officers contended that it was requisite to es- 
tablish a colony in the country they had discovered. Grijalva 
judged it more prudent to return to Cuba. This was the most 
successful voyage the Spaniards had hitherto made in the New 
World. 

Velasques had been informed of the success of the enterprize 
by an officer despatched for that purpose by Grijalva, who imme- 
diately sent an account to Spain of the success of the voyage; 
without waiting for the orders of his sovereign, he prepared for 
another expedition. This terminated in conquests of greater 
moment than any they had hitherto achieved, and will be related 
in the next book. When Grijalva returned to Cuba, he found 
an armament in readiness to attempt the conquest of that coun- 
try, which he had discovered. Ambition and avarice urged Velas- 
ques to hasten his preparations; and the alluring prospect of 
gratifying both, made him cheerfully advance considerable sums 
from his private fortune, to defray the expense. Soldiers eager 
to embark in any daring enterprize soon appeared. The difficul- 
ty lay in finding a person fit to take the command. 

Velasques was solicitous to choose a commander infr%pid, and 
one who possessed superior abilities; but at the same time, from 
a jealousy natural to little minds, he wished him to be so tame and 
obsequious as to be entirely dependant upon his will. But he was 
soon convinced that it was impossible to unite such incompatible 
qualities in one perspn. Those who were conspicuous for courage 
were too high spirited to be his passive tools; and those who ap- 
peared gentle and tractable, were deficient of the necessary qua- 
lifications requisite for such an undertaking. He deliberated 
long, and still continued irresolute until Amado de Lares, the 
royal treasurer in Cuba, and Andres Duero, his own secretary, 
in whom he placed great confidence, proposed Fernando Cortes, 
and supported their recommendation with such address and assi- 
duity as proved successful. Cortes was born at Medellin, a small 
town in Estremadura, in the year 1485, and descended from a 
nobie family; but of very moderate fortune. He was sent early 
by his parents to the university of Salamanca, where he made 
some progress in learning. An academic life not suiting his ar- 
dent and restless genius, he retired to Medellin, where he gave 
himself uo entirely to active sports, and martial exercises. At 
this perioci of his life, he was >o impetuous and overbearing, and 
so dissipated, that his father was glad to comply with his inclina- 
tion, and sent him abr »id as an adventurer in arms. 

The Spa ith who courted military sjlory* hal an oppor- 

tunity to valour either in Italy, under the command 



74 HISTORY OF 

of the great captain, or in the New World. Cortes preferred the j 
* former, hut was prevented by indisposition from embarking with jg 
a reinforcement of troops sent to Naples. Then he turned his ( 
views towards America, where he hoped to advance himself un-j | 
der the patronage of Ovando, who was at that time governor of j j 
Hispaniola, and his kinsman. His reception was such as equalled |j| 
his most sanguine hopes ; and the governor employed him in se-ijt 
veral honourable and lucrative stations. jL 

But his ambilion was not to be satisfied with the moderate , 
means of acquiring wealth or fame. It was in the stormy and jj 
active scenes of a military life, that he wished to distinguish tj 
himself. 

With this view he requested permission to accompany Vela-- H 
quez in his expedition to Cuba. In this service he acquitted him- | 
self so well, that notwithstanding some violent contest, occasion-4|i 
ed by trivial causes, with Velasquez, he was at length taken into 
favour, and received an ample share of lands and Indians. * 

Though Cortes had not hitherto acted in high command, he 
had displayed such abilities in scenes of difficulty and danger, as 
raised universal expectation, and turned the eyes of his country- 
men towards him, as one capable of executing great designs. 
The turbulence of youth, as soon as he found objects suited to 
the ardour of his mind, gradually subsided into a regular habit of 
indefatigabfe activity. The impetuosity of his temper, when he 
came to act with his equals, abated, and mellowed into a cordial 
soldierly frankness. These qualities were accompanied with 
calm prudence in concerting his schemes, and with persevering^ 
vigour in executing them; and what is peculiar to superior ge- 
nius, the art of gaining the confidence, and governing the minds, 
of men. To all which was added a graceful person, an insinuat- 
ing address, extraordinary alert in martial exercises, and a 
vigorous constitution, capable of enduring the greatest fatigue. 
As soon as Cortes was mentioned to Velasquez by his two con- 
fidants, he flattered himself that he had found a man with talents 
for command, but not an object of jealousy. He concluded that 
his rank and fortune were not sufficient to inspire him with the 
hopes of independence. Several favours he had conferred upon 
Cortes; and by this new and unexpected mark of confidence, 
Velasquez hoped to attach him for ever to his interest. 

Cortes received his commission -with the warmest expression ot 
respect and gratitude to the governor, and immediately erected 
his standard before his own house, and assumed all the ensigns oi 
his new dignity. He persuaded many of his friends to engage in 
the service, and to urge forward the preparations for the voyage, 
He mortgaged all his lands and [ndians to procure money, which 
he expended in purchasing military stores and provisions, or ir, 
supplying such of his officers as were unable to equip themselves 
in a ianner suited to their rank. 



AMERICA. 75 

Inoffensive and laudable as this conduct was, his disappointed 
competitors were so malicious as to give it a turn to his disadvan- 
tage: they accused him at aiming, with little disguise, to esta- 
blish an Independent authority over his troops, and endeavour- 
ing to secure their respect and love, by an ostentatious display of 
his liberality. They reminded Velasquez of his former dissen- 
tions, with the man in whom he now reposed so much confidence ; 
and predicted, that Cortes would avail himself of the power 
which he was putting into his hands to avenge past injuries, ra- 
ther than to requite late obligations. These insinuations made 
a powerful impression on the jealous mind of Velasquez. 

Cortes soon observed a growing alienation and distrust in his 
behaviour, and was advised by his friends Lares and Duero, to 
hasten his departure, before these should become so confirmed, as 
to break out into open violence. Cortes, sensible of the danger, 
hastened his preparations with such rapidity, that he set sail 
from St. Jago de Cuba on the eighteenth of November; Velas- 
quez accompanied him to the shore, and took leave of him with 
apparent friendship, though he had secretly given it in charge to 
some of his officers, to have a watchful eye upon every part of 
their commander's conduct. 

Cortes proceeded to Trinidad, a small settlement on the same 
side of the island, where he was joined by several adventurers, 
and received a further supply of provisions and stores. He had 
hardly left 8t. Jago, when the jealousy of Velasquez grew so vio- 
lent, as to be impossible for him to suppress it. Imagination now 
exaggerated every circumstance which had before excited sus- 
picion : his rivals, by their suggestions, increased his fears, and 
called superstition to their aid, employing the predictions of an 
astrologer to complete their designs. All these united, produced 
the desired effect. Velasquez repented bitterly of his own im- 
prudence, in committing a trust of such importance to a person, 
in whose fidelity he couldno longer trust; and hastily despatched 
instructions to Trinidad, empowering Verdugo, the chief magis- 
trate there > to deprive Cortes of his commission. But Cortes se- 
cure in the esteem and confidence of his troops, and finding they 
were zealous to support his authority : he, by soothing or inti- 
midating Verdugo, was permitted to depart from Trinidad with- 
out molestatbn. 

Cortes sailed for the Havatina, in order to raise more soldiers 
and complete the victualling of his fleet. There several persons 
of distinction entered into his service, and engaged to supply 
what provisions were wanting. 

While this was doing, Velasquez availed himself of the inter 
val, sensible that it would be improper to rely on a man of whoi 
he had openly shewn such distrust, made one attempt more to 
wrest the command out of the hands of Cortes. Anxious to 



f6 HISTORY OF 

guard against a second disappointment, be sent a person, in whom 
he could confide, to the Ilavanna, with peremptory injunctions to 
Pedro Barba, his lieutenant governor in that colony, instantly to 
arrest Cortes, and send him prisoner to St. Jago under a strong 
guard 5 and to countermand the departure of the armament un- 
til he should receive further orders. 

He also wrote to the principal officers, requiring them to as- 
sist Barba in executing what he had given him in charge. Forts? 1 
nately for Cortes, a Franciscan friar of St. Jago had secretly 
conveyed an account of this interesting intelligence to Bartholo- ; 
mew de Olmedo, a monk of the same order, and who acted as .j 
chaplain to the expedition. This gave Cortes time to take preeau- j 
tions for his safety. He found some pretext to remove from the^f 
Havanna, Diego de Ordaz, an officer of great abilities, bujy| 
whose known attachment to Veiasqncz, made it unsafe to tru^H 
him in this trying and delicate juncture. He therefore gave him^ 
the command* of a vessel that was to proceed to a smrll harbour 
beyond Cape Antonio, and thus removed him from his presence, 
without appearing to suspect his fidelity. 

"When Ordaz. was gone, Cortes informed his officers and sol- 
diers, who were equally impatient to set out upon the expedition, j 
in preparing for which, most of ihem had expended all their for- 
tunes. They expressed their astonishment and indignation rrtfa 
that illiberal jealousy, to which the governor was about to sacrf-jtf 
ficethe honour of their general, and all their sanguine hopes o£ A 
glory and wealth., They all with one voice entreated him, not 
to abandon them, and deprive them of a leader whom they fol-, 
lowed with such unbounded confidence, and offered to shed the | 
last drop of their blood in maintaining his authority. Cortes was 
easily persuaded to comply with what he so ardently desired. 
He swore he would never desert soldiers, who had given him 
such a signal proof of their attachment, and promised instantly 
to conduct them to that rich country, which had been so long 
the subject of their thoughts and wishes. 

This declaration was received with transports of military ap- 
plause, accompanied with threats and imprecations against all 
who should presume to call in question the jurisdiction of their 
general, or obstruct the execution of his designs. Every thing- 
was now ready for their departure. The fleet consisted of eleven 
vessels, the largest was one hundred tons burden, which was 
dignified with the name of admiral f three of seventy or eighty 
tons, and the rest small open barks. On board of these were 
six hundred and seventeen men; of which, five hundred and 

ght belonged to the land service, and a hundred and nine were 

amen and artificers. The soldiers were divided into eleven 
companies, to each of which Cortes appointed a captain. 

As the use of fire-arms among the nations of Europe, was 



AMERICA. 77 

hitherto confined to a few battalions of disciplined infantry, only 
thirteen soldiers were armed with muskrts, thirty-two were 
cross-bow men, and the rest had swords and spears. Instead of 
their usual defensive armour, they wore quilted-cotton jackets; 
these had been found a sufficient protection against the weapons 
of the Indians. They had only sixteen horses, ten small field 
pieces, and tour falconets. 

With this slender and ill-provided train, did Cortes set sail 
to make vvar upon a monarch, whose dominions were more exten- 
sive, than all the kingdoms subject to the Spanish crown. A 
large cross was displayed on their standards, with this inscrip- 
tion, " Let us follow the cross, for under this sign we shall con- 
quer." Thus, enthusiasm and avarice united in prompting the 
Spaniards in all their enterprizes. 

So powerfully were Cortes and his companions animated with 
both these passions, that no less eager to plunder the opulent 
country, to which they were bound, than zealous to propagate 
the Christian faith among its inhabitants, they set out with that 
confidence, which arises from security of success, and certainty 
of Divine protection. 

Cortes steered directly for the island of Cozumel, which Grt- 
jalva had visited; (here he had the good fortune to redeem Je- 
rome de Aguilar, a Spaniard, who had been eight years a pri- 
soner among' the Indians. This man was perfectly acquainted 
with a dtalect of their language, understood through a large 
extent of country, and who possessed besides, a considerable 
share of prudence and sagacity : and who proved extremely use- 
ful as an interpreter. 

From Cozumel, Cortes proeeeded to Tabasco, in hopes of 
meeting as friendly a reception from the natives, as Grijalva had; 
and of finding gold in the same abundance: but the disposition 
of the natives was entirely changed. After endeavouring in 
vain, to conciliate their good will^ he was constrained to have 
recourse to violence. Though the forces of the enemy were nu- 
merous, and advanced with extraordinary courage, they were 
routed with great slaughter, in several successive actions. The 
loss they sustained, and still more the astonishment and terror 
excited by the destructive effects of the fire-arms, and the dread- 
ful appearance of the horses, humbled their fierce spirits, and 
induced them to sue for peace. They acknowledged the king of 
, Castile as their sovereign, and granted Cortes a supply of pro- 
visions, with a present of cotton garments, some gold, and 
twenty female slaves. 

The next place they touched at, was St. Juan de I7!ua„ As 
entered the harbour, a large canoe, full of people, amongst whom 
there appeared two persons of distinction, \vh ic! ed the 

ship with signs of peace and friendship. They ' came on board 

G 2 



78 HISTORY OF 

without fear, or shewing any symptoms of distrust, and addres- 
sed Cortes in a most respectful manner, but in a language un- 
known to Aguilar. Cortes was in the utmost perplexity at an 
event, which he instantly foresaw would be attended with very 
disagreeable consequences. But he did not remain long in this 
embarrassed situation. One of the female slaves, whom he had 
received from the cazique of Tabasco, was present at the inter- 
view : she saw the distress of Cortes, and the confusion of Agui- 
lar; and, as she perfectly understood the Mexican kin gu age, 
she explained what they said in the Yucatan tongue. This wo- 
man, known afterwards by the name of Donna Marina, will 
make a considerable figure in the history of the New World : hav- 
ing been carried off a capiive by some hostile party, after a variety 
of adventures, had fallen into the hands of the Tabascans, though 
formerly a native of the Mexican empire. 

Though it was tedious and troublesome to converse by the in 
tervention of two different interpreters, Cortes was so highly 
pleased, that he considered it in the transports of his joy, as a 
visible interposition of Divine Providence in his favour. 

The two persons whom he had received on board his ship, were 
deputies from Pilpatoe and Te utile : the one governor of that 
province, under a great monarch, whom they called Montezuma ; 
and the other, the commander of his forces there. They inform- 
ed Cortes, that they were sent to inquire what were his views in 
visiting their coast and to offer him assistance if he stood in need, 
in order to continue his voyage. Cortes struck wi(h the appear- 
ance of those people, as well as the tenor of their message, as- 
sured them in respectful term a, that he approached their country 
with the most friendly iutcntions ; that he came to propose mat- 
ters of great importance to tho welfare of their prince and peo- 
ple, which he would unfold more fully in person to the governor 
and general. 

Next morning, without waiting fur an answer, he landed his 
troops, his horses and artillery; and began to erect huts, and for- 
tify his camp. The natives, instead of opposing the entrance 
of those fatal guests into their country, assisted them in all their 
operations, with an alacrity of which they afterwards had good 
reason to repent. 

Next day Pilpatoe and Teutile entered the Spanish camp with 
a numerous retinue ; and Cortes treated them with that respect 
due to the ministers of a great monarch, and received them with 
much formal ceremony. He informed them that he came as am- 
bassador from Don Carlos of Austria, king of Castile, ihe great- 
est monarch of the east : and was entrusted with propositions of 
such moment that he could impart them to none but the emperor 
Montezuma himself; and therefore required them to conduct him 
without delay ijjto the presence of their master. 



AMERICA. 70 

The Mexican officers could not conceal their uneasiness at a 
request which they knew would he disagreeable to their sove- 
reign, whose mind "had been filled with many disquieting appre- 
hensions, ever since the Spaniards had first appeared on their 
coasts. Before they offered to dissuade Cortes from his demand, 
they endeavoured to conciliate his good will, by entreating him 
to accept of certain present;, which, as humble slaves to Mon- 
tezuma, they laid at his feet. These they introduced with great 
parade, and consisted of fine cotton cloth, of plumes of various 
colours, and of ornaments of gold and silver, to a considerable 
value; the workmanship was curious, and the materials rich. 

The effect of these was very different to what they intended. 
Instead of satisfying the Spaniards, it encreased their avidity, 
and rendered them so impatient of becoming masters of a coun- 
try which abounded with such precious commodities, that Cor- 
tes could hardly listen with patience to the arguments of Pilpa- 
toe and Teutile, to dissuade him from visiting the capital: and 
in a haughty and determined tone insisted on being admitted to 
a personal audience of their sovereign. 

During this interview, some painters in the train of the Mex- 
ican chiefs, had been diligently employed in delineating upon 
white cotton cloth, figures of the ships and horses, the artillery, 
the soldiers, and whatever else appeared to them new and singu- 
lar. When Cortes was informed that these pictures were to be 
sent to Montezuma ; to render the representation still more ani- 
mating and interesting, and make the impression more awful, he 
ordered the trumpets to sound an alarm, the troops in a moment 
formed in order of battle, the infantry performed such martial 
exercises, as were best suited to display the effect to their diifer- 
ent weapons; the horse, in various evolutions, shewed their agi- 
lity and strength; the artillery pointed towards the thick woods, 
which was in front of the camp, made dreadful havoc among 
the trees. The Mexicans looked on with silent amazement, at 
objects so awful, and above their comprehension. At the explo- 
sion of the cannon, many of them fted, some fell on the ground, 
and all were so much confounded at the eight of men, whose 
power, in their opinion, so nearly lesembled the gods, that 
Cortes, with difficulty composed them. The ingenuity of the 
painters was put to the test, to invent figures and characters to 
represent things so new and extraordinary. Messengers were 
immediately despatched to Montezuma, with those pictures, and 
a full account of every thing that had passed since the arrival 
of the Spaniards : and by them Cortes sent a present of some 
European curiosities to Montezuma. 

The Mexican monarchs, in order to obtain early information 
of every occurrence in all the corners of their vast empire, had 
posted couriers, or runners at different stations, along the priii- 



80 HISTORY OF 

cipal roads, who relieved one another, at proper distances; by 
which method they conveyed intelligence with surprizing ra- 
pidity. 

Though the capital of Montezuma was one hundred and eigh- 
ty miles from St. Julian de Ulua, the presents to Cortes were 
carried thither, and an answer received of his demands in a few 
days. The same officers who had hitherto treated with the Spa- 
niards, were employed to deliver fhi* answer; but as thev knew 
how repugnant the determination of their master was' to the 
wishes of the Spanish commaudc r. they would not venture to 
make it known, until they had first endeavoured to soothe and 
mollify him. They therefore relieved the negociation by intro- 
ducing a train of a hundred Indians loaded with presents, sent 
him by Montezuma. 

The magnificence of these presents exceeded any they had yet 
received, and raised their ideas of the wealth of the country, and 
the grandeur of the monarch. They were placed upon mats on 
the ground, in such order as shewed them to the greatest advan- 
tage. Cortes and his followers viewed with admiration, the va- 
rious manufactures of the country; the cotton stuffs were cf so 
fine a texture, as to resemble silk ; pictures of animals, trees, and 
other natural objects, formed with leathers of different colours, 
disposed and mingled with such skill and elegance, as to rival 
the works of die pencil in beauty of imitation. But what piinci- 
pally attracted their attention, was two large plates of a circu- 
lar form, one of massive gold, representing the sun, the other of 
silver, an emblem of the moon; these were accompanied with 
bracelets, collars, rings, and other trinkets of gold, with boxes 
of pearls, precious stones, and grains of unvwought gold. Cor- 
tes received these with an appearance of profound veneration for 
the monarch, by whom they were bestowed. 

But when the Mexicans, presuming upon this, informed him, 
that their master, though !_e desired him to accept of what he 
had sent, as expressive of that regard for the prince who had 
sent him; yet, at the same time informed him, that he would not 
give his consent that foreign troops should approach nearer his 
capital; or even allow fhem to continue longer in his dominion?. 
Cortes declared in a manner more resolute and peremptory than 
formerly, that he must insist on his first demand, as he could not, 
without dishonour, return to his own sovereign, until he had been 
permitted to visit the prince, agreeably to his instructions. 

The Mexicans were astonished, that any man should dare to 
oppose that will which they were accustomed to consider as su- 
preme and irresistible: yet afraid of coming to an open rupture 
with such formidable enemies, prevailed with Cortes to continue 
in his present camp until further instructions from Montezuma. 

The Mexican monarch had now no other choice, but either to 
receive Cortes as a friend, or oppose liiro openly as an enenryv 



AMERICA. 81 

J'he latter Mas what might have been expected from a haughty 
prince in possession of such extensive powers; his authority un- 
bounded, and his revenues considerable. 

If he had assembled his numerous forces and fallen upon the 
Spaniards while encamped on a barren, unhealthy coast, without 
a single ally to support them, no place of retreat, and destitute 
of provisions, notwithstanding their superior discipline and arms, 
they must have all been cut oft' in such an unequal contest, or 
have abandoned the enterprize. 

As the power of Montezuma enabled him to take this spirited 
part, his own disposition naturally prompted him to it. Of all the 
princes who had swayed the Mexican sceptre he was the most 
haughty, the most violeut, and the most impatient of control. 
His subjects looked up to him with awe, and his enemies with 
terror. The former he governed with unexampled rigour, but 
they were impressed with an opinion of his capacity, that com- 
manded their respect: over the latter he had spread such fear 
by the success of his arms, that they dreaded his power, and groan- 
ed under his tyranny. Though his talents were sufficient for the 
government of a state, so imperfectly polished as the Mexican 
empire, they were altogether inadequate to the present conjunc- 
ture : he was neither qualified to judge with discernment, nor to 
act with that decision necessary in such a trying emergency. 

From the first account of the Spaniards appearing on the coast, 
he discovreed symptoms of timidity and embarrassment : he de- 
liberated with anxiety and hesitation, which did not escape the 
notice of his meanest courtiers. The perplexity and discompo- 
sure upon this occasion, and the general dismay that prevailed, 
was not altogether owing to the impression the Spaniards had 
made by t\m novelty of their appearance, and the terror of their 
arms. There was an opinion, if the account of the most authen- 
tic Spanish historians deserves credit, and almost universal 
among the Americans, that some dreadful calamity was impend- 
ing over their heads, from a race of formidable invaders, who 
should come from regions towards the rising sun, to overrun and 
desolate their country. 

As the Mexicans were more prone to superstition than any peo- 
ple in the New World, they weie more deeply affected with the 
appearance of the Spaniards, whom they considered as the in- 
struments destined to bring about the revolution which they so 
much dreaded. Under these circumstances it ceases to be in- 
credible that a handful of adventurers should alarm the monarch 
of a great empire and all his subjects. 

Notwithstanding, when Montezuma was informed that Cortes 
adhered to his original demand, and refused to obey his enjoin- 
ing him to leave the country: in a transport of ra^e natural to 
<x tierce prince, unaccustomed to opposition, he tnreatened to 



82 HISTORY OF 

sacrifice those intruding strangers to his gods. But instead of 
issuing orders to put his threats into execution, he summoned his 
ministers to confer, and offer their advice. 

The Mexican council were satisfied with issuing a more 
positive injunction, requiring them to leave the country; but be- 
trayed such timidity and intatuation, that they accompanied this 
order with a present of such value, as proved a fresh inducement 
to remain there. A variety of sentiments prevailed among the 
Spaniards; from what they had already seen, many of them 
formed such extravagant ideas, concerning the opulence of the 
country, that despising every danger and hardship, they were 
eager to attempt the conquest. Others estimating the power of 
the Mexican empire by its wealth, contended it would be an act 
of the wildest frenzy to attack such a state, with a small body 
of men, in want of provisions, unconnected with an ally, ancl 
already debilitated by the diseases of the climate. 

Cortes secretly encouraged and applauded the advocates for 
bold measures, and cherished their romantic hopes; as such ideas 
accorded with his own, and favoured the execution of the bold 
schemes he had already formed. 

As Velasquez had openly attempted to deprive him of his au- 
thority, he saw the necessity of dissolving a connexion which 
would obstruct and embarrass all his operations ; and watched 
for a proper opportunity of coming to a final rupture with him. 
Having this in view, he assiduously laboured to gain and secure 
the esteem and affection of his soldiers. 

Cortes availed himself of all opportunities to insinuate himself 
into their favour, by his affable manners, by well timed acts of li- 
berality to some, by inspiring all with vast hopes, and by allow- 
ing them to trade privately with the natives, he attached the 
greater part of the soldiers so firmly to himself, that they almost 
forgot that the armament had been fitted out by the authority, 
and at the expense of another. 

During these intrigues, Teutile arrived with the present from 
Montezuma, and, together with it, delivered the ultimate order of 
that monarch to depart instantly out of his dominions ; and when 
Cortes, instead of complying, renewed his request of an audi- 
ence, the Mexican turned from him abruptly, and quitted the 
camp, with looks and gestures which strongly expressed his sur- 
prize and resentment. Next morning the natives who used to 
frequent the camp, to barter with the soldiers, and bring provi- 
sions, absented ; all friendly correspondence seemed now to be at 
an end, and it was expected every moment that hostilities would 
commerce. 

Although this might have been foreseen, yet it occasioned a 
sudden consternation among the Spaniards, which emboldened 
the adherents of Velasquez not only to murmur and cabal against 



AMERICA. 83 

their general, but to appoint one of their number to remonstrate 
openly against his imprudence th attempting the conquest of a 
mighty empire, with such inadequate focce: and to urge the ne- 
cessity of returning to Cute, in order to relit the fleet, and aug- 
ment their army. 

Diego de prdaz, one of his principal officers, who was charged 
with this commission, delivered it with soldierly freedom, assur- 
ing him that lie spoke the sentiments of the whole army. Cortes 
heard him without any appearance of emotion. As he well knew 
the temper and wishes of his soldiers, he carried his dissimula- 
tion so far as to seem to relinquish his own measures, in com- 
pliance with the request of Ordaz, and issued orders that the 
army should be ready to embark the next day for Cuba. 

No sooner was this known than the disappointed adventurers 
exclaimed and threatened ; the emissaries of Cortes mingling 
with them inflartfed their rage ; the ferment became general ; the 
whose camp was almost in open mutiny : all demanding with ea- 
gerness to see their commander. Cortes was not slow in appear- 
ing: when with one voice, they expressed their astonishment 
and indignation at the orders which they had received. It was 
unworthy, they cried, of theCastilian courage, to be daunted at 
the first aspect of danger ; and infamous to fly, before an enemy 
appeared. For their parts they were determined not to relinquish 
the enterprise; that they were happy under his command, and 
would follow him with alacrity through every danger: but if he 
chose to return to Cuba, and tamely give up all hopes of dis- 
tinction and opulence, to an envious rival, they would instantly 
choose another general to conduct them in that path of glory, 
which he had not spirit to enter. 

Cortes delighted with their ardour, took no offence at the 
boldness with which ilt was uttered ; the sentiments were what he 
himself had inspired : and he was now satisfied that they had 
imbibed them thoroughly. He affected, however, to be surpris- 
ed at what he heard, declaring that his order to prepare for em- 
barking was issued from a persuasion that it was agreeable to his 
troops; and from deference to what he had been informed was 
their inclination, he had sacrificed his own private opinion, which 
was firmly bent on establishing immediately a settlement on 
the sea-coast, and then on endeavouring to. penetrate into the 
interior of the country : and as he now perceived they were 
animal ed with the generous spirS which breathed in every true 
Spaniard, he would resume with fresh ardour, his original plan 
of operations : not but that he should be able to conduct them in 
i\\e career of victory, to such' independent fortunes as their va- 
lour merited. Upon this declaration, shouts of applause testifi- 
ed their excess of joy. 

Notwithstanding there appeared to be an unanimous consent 






84 HISTORY OF 

to this measure, there were those in the interest of Velasquez who - 
•secretly condemned it, but were obliged tostifie their leal senti- 
ments, to avoid the appearance of disaffection to their general, as 
well as the imputation of cowardice from their fellow-soldiers. In 
order to give a beginning to t)\e colony, he assembled the princi- 
pal persons in his army, and by their suffrage elected a council 
and magistrates, in whom the government was to be vested. The 
magistrates were distinguished by the names and ensigns of office. 
Alf the persons chosen were firmly devoted to Cortes, and the 
instrument of their election was framed in the king's name, with- 
out any mention of their dependance upon Velasques. The name 
which Cortes bestowed on the intended settlement was Villa Hica 
de la Vera Cruz, that is, the Itich Town of the True Cross. 

The first act of importance decided by the new council was the 
appointment of Cortes to the supreme jurisdiction, as well civil as 
military, over the colony. The soldiers with eager applause ratifi- 
ed their choice: the air resounded with t\\Q name of Cortes. 

He now 7 began to assume greater dignity, and exercise more 
extensive powers : formerly he acted only as the deputy of a sub- 
ject; but now as the representative of his sovereign. The adhe- 
rents of Velasquez could no longer continue silent and passive 
spectators of his actions. They exclaimed openly against the 
proceedings of the council as illegal, and against those of the army 
as mutinous. Cortes instantly perceived the necessity of giving a 
timely check to such seditious discourses, by some prompt and vi- 
gorous measures: arrested Ordez, Eseudero, and Velasquezde 
Leon, the ringleaders of the faction, and sent them prisoners on 
board the fleet, leaded with chains. 

Their dependants, astonished and overawed, remained quiet, 
and Cortes, more desirous to reclaim than punish his prisoners, 
who were officers of great merit, courted their friendship with 
such assiduity and address, that the reconciliation was perfectly 
cordial ; and never after on the most' trying occasions did they 
attempt to swerve from their attachment to his interest. 

Cortes having now rendered the union between himself and his 
army indissoluble, thought he might now quit the camp in which 
he had remained hitherto, and advance into the country. To this 
he was encouraged by an event both fortunate and seasonable. 
Some Indians having approached his camp in a mysterious man- 
ner, were conducted into hisjpesence. These were deputies sent 
by the cazique of Zempoalla, Considerable town at no great dis- 
tance. By them he gathered that t'mir master, though a subject 
of Montezuma, was impatient of the yoke, and that nothing could 
be more acceptable to him than a deliverance from the oppression 
under which they groaned. On hearing this, a ray of light and 
hope broke in upon the mind of Cortes. He saw that the great 
empire he was about to attack was net united, nor the sovereign 



AMERICA. 85 

beloved. He concluded that the cause of disaffection could not be 
confined to one province, but that in other parts there must be 
maiecontents, who being weary of subjection, and desirous to 
change, would be ready to follow the standard of any protector. 
Full of these ideas, he gave a most gracious reception to the 
Zempoallans. and promised soon to visit their cazique. 

To perform this promise it was not necessary to alter the route 
he had already fixed for his march. Some officers whom he 
had employed to survey the coast, having discovered a village 
named Quiabislan, about forty miles to the northward, which both 
on account of the fertility of the soil, and commodiousness of the 
harbour, seemed to be a more proper station for a settlement, than 
that where he was encamped. Cortes upon this information was 
determined to remove thither. Zempoalla lay in his way, where 
the cazique received him with gifts, and caresses, and with res- 
pect approaching almost to adoration. From him he learned 
many particulars with respect to the character of Montezuma, 
and the circumstances that rendered his dominion odious. He 
was a tyrant, the cazique told him with tears, haughty, cruel, 
and suspicious ; who treated his own subjects with arrogance, 
ruined the conquered provinces by exactions, and tore their sons 
and daughters from them by violence ; the former to be offered 
as victims to his gods ; the latter, to be reserved as concubines 
for himself and his favourites. Cortes in reply to him, artfully 
insinuated that one of the great objects that induced the Spaniards 
to visit a country so distant from their own, was to redress griev- 
ance?, and relieve the oppressed : thus having encouraged him 
to hope for his protection, he continued his march to Quiabislan. 

Here he marked out ground for a town, the dwellings to be 
erected were only huts ; but these were to be surrounded with for- 
tifications. Every man in the army, officers and soldiers, put 
their hands to the work ; Cortes himself setting the example. 
The Indians of Zempoalla and Quiabislan, lent their assistance; 
and this petty station, the parent of so many great settlements, 
was soon in a state of defence. 

While they were engaged in this necessary work, Cortes had 
several interviews with the caziques of Zempoalla and Quiabis- 
lan, who had such a high opinion of the Spaniards, as to consider 
them a superior order of beings : and, encouraged by the promi- 
ses of Cortes, they ventured to insult the Mexican power; a 
the very name of which, they were accustomed to tremble. Some 
of Montezuma's officers having appeared to levy the usual tri- 
bute, and to demand a certain number of humau victims, as au 
expiation of t'leir guilt, in presuming to hold a correspondence 
with those strangers, whom the emperor bad commanded to 
leave his dominions ; instead of obeying the order, they made 
those officers prisoners, treated them with great indignity, and 

H 



«6 HISTORY OF 

threatened to sacrifice them to their gods. From this last dan-' 
ger they were delivered by Cortes, who testified the utmost ab- 
horrence at the bare mention of such a barbarous deed. 

The two caziques, having now committed an act of open re- 
hellion, there appeared no hope of safety for them, but by at- 
taching themselves inviolably to the Spaniards, They soon com- 
pleted their union, by acknowledging themselves subjects of the 
Spanish monarch. Their example was followed by the Toto- 
naques, a fierce people who inhabited the mountainous part of 
the country : and who offered to accompany Cortes with all their 
forces, in his march towards Mexico. 

Cortes, before he began his march from Zempoalla, resolved 
upon an expedient which has no parallel in history: he had the 
address to persuade his soldiers, that it would be attended with 
important benefit to destroy the fleet; that, by not allowing the 
idea of a retreat possible, and fixing their eyes and wishes on. 
Avhat was before them ; he by this, could divert them from be- 
ing inflamed by a mutinous spirit, which had, at sundry times, , 
made its appearance, instigated by the partizans of Velasquez. . 
With universal consent the ships were drawn ashore ; and, after 
stripping then; of their rigging and iron-work, they were broke 
in pieces. Thus, from a magnanimous effort, five hundred men 
voluntarily consented to be shut up in a hostile country, inhabited 
by powerful and unknown inhabitants ; left without any other 
resource but their own valour and perseverance. 

Cortes began his march from Zempoalla, on the sixteenth of . 
August, 1519, with five hundred men, fifteen horses, and six field 
pieces. The rest of the troops, consisting of those who from age 
and infirmity, were unfit for actual service, he left as a garrison 
at Villa Rica, under the command of Escalante, an officer of 
merit, and warmly attached to his interest The cazique of 
Zempoalla supplied him with provisions, and with two hundred 
of those Indians, called Tantiemes, whose office it was to carry 
hurdens, and perform all servila labour. These were a great 
relief to the Spanish soldiers, as they not only eased them of their 
baggage, but also dragged along the artillery by main force. The 
cazique ottered a considerable body of his troops, but Cortes was 
satisfied with four hundred, taking care to choose such persons 
of note, as might prove hostages for the fidelity of their master. 

No material occurrence happened, until they arrived on the. 
fconfines of Tlascala. The inhabitants of that province were a 
warlike people, and although they were implacable epemtts 61 
Montezuma, and had maintained an obstinate and successful 
contest against hJift, were not inclined to admit these formidable 
strangers. into their territory. Cortes had hoped that their eii- 
nuty to the Mexicans, and the example of their ancient allri , 



AMERICA. 8? 

the Zempoallans, might induce them to give him a friendly re- 
ception. 

In order to dispose them to this, four Zempoallans, of great 
eminence, were sent as ambassadors, to request in Cortes' name, 
and in that of *heir cazique, that they would permit the Spaniards 
to pass through their country, on their way to Mexico. But in- 
stead of a favourable answer, which was expected, the Tlascalans 
seized the ambassadors, and without any regard to their public 
character, made preparations for sacrificing them to their gods. 
At the same time, they assembled their troops, in order to op- 
pose those unknown invaders, if they should attempt to make 
their passage good, by the force of arms. Unaccustomed to any 
intercourse with foreigners, they were apt to consider every 
stranger as an enemy; and, upon the least suspicion of hostility 
| were easily excited to arms. They concluded from Cortes' pro- 
5 p osal of visiting Montezuma, in his capital, notwithstanding all 
his professions to the contrary, that he courted the friendship of 
that monarch, whom they hated and feared. The Spaniards, 
from the smallness of their number, were objects of contempt; 
not having any idea of the superiority which they derived from 
their arms and discipline. 

Cortes, after waiting some days, in vain, the return of the am- 
bassadors, advanced into the territory of the Tlascalans. As the 
resolutions of a people who delight in war, are executed with no 
less promptitude than they are formed, he found troops ready in 
the field to oppose him. They attacked him with great intre- 
pidity; and in the first encounter wounded some of the Span- 
iards, and killed two horses ; a loss, in their situation, of great 
moment, because it was irreparable. From this specimen of the 
courage of his new enemies, Cortes saw the necessity of pro- 
ceeding with caution. His army marched in close order; he 
chose his stations, where he halted with attention, and fortified 
his camp with great care. 

During fourteen days he was exposed to almost uninterrupted 
assaults; the Tlascalans advancing with numerous armies, and 
renewing the attack in various forms, with that valour and per- 
severance, to which the Spaniards had seen nothing parallel in 
the New World. But the account of battles must appear unin- 
teresting when there is no equality of danger ; and when the nar- 
rative closes with an account of thousands -slain on one side, and 
that not a single person falls on the other. 

The Spanish historians relate these combats with great pomp, 
and intermix incredible events; but they cease to command at- 
tention, when there was so great a disproportion between the 
parties, There were some circumstances, however, that merit 
notice, as they display the character of the natives, and of their 
conquerors. Though the Tlascalans brought into- the field such 



88 HISTORY OF 

vast armies as appeared sufficient to have overwhelmed the Spa 
niards, yet tliey were never able to make any impression upon 
their small battalion. This is easily explained : though inured 
to war, like all the other inhabitants of the New World, they were 
unacquainted with military order and discipline, and lost the 
advantage which they might have gained from their numbers, 
and the impetuosity of their attack, by their constant solicitude 
to carry oft' their dead and wounded : this was a point of honour 
with them, founded on a sentiment of tenderness natural to the 
human mind, strengthened by an anxiety to preserve the bodies 
of their countrymen from being devoured by their enemies. 

Attention to this pious office occupied them during the heat of 
combat, broke their union, and lessened the force of the impres- 
sion which they might have made by a joint effort. The imper- 
fection of their offensive weapons rendered their valour of little 
avail. After three battles and many skirmishes and assaults, not 
one Spaniard was slain. Arrows and spears headed with flint, 
or the bones of fishes, and wooden swords, though destructive 
weapons among naked Indians, were easily turned aside by the 
Spanish bucklers, and could hardly penetrate the quilted jackets 
worn by the soldiers. 

Though the Tlascalans attacked the Spaniards with fury, yet 
they seemed to be actuated by a barbarous generosity. They 
i^ave the Spaniards notice of their hos tile intentions ; and as they 
Knew they wariird -revisions, and imagined, like other Ameri- 
cans, that they had left their own country because it did not af- 
ford them subsistence, they sent to their camp a large supply of 
poultry and maize, desiring them to eat plentifully, because they 
scorned to attack an enemy enfeebled by hunger ; as it would 
also be an affront to their gods to offer them famished victims, 
as well as disagreeable to themselves to feed upon such emaciat- 
ed prey. 

After the first onset, finding they could not put this threat into 
execution, and that notwithstanding the utmost efforts of their 
valour, that not one Spaniard was slain, they began to alter 
their opinion, and concluded they were a superior order of beings, 
against whom all human power could not prevail. In this ex- 
tremity they consulted their priests, who after many sacrifices 
and incantations, delivered this answer : " That as these strangers 
"were the offspring of the sun, they were invincible only when 
« cherished by his beams; but that at night, when his warming 
« influence was withdrawn, they became like other men, and were 
" easily subdued." Opinions less plausible, have gained credit 
with more enlightened nations. 

In consequence of this, the Tlascalans acted in contradiction to 
oce of their established maxims in war, and ventured to attack 
the enemy in the nijht, in hopes of destroying them, when weak 



AMERICA. 89 

and off their guard. But Cortes had more discernment than to 
be surprised or deceived by the rude stratagems of an Indian ar- 
my. The sentinels at the out-posts, observing an uncommon 
movement in the Indian army, gave the alarm. In a moment the 
troops were under arms, and sallying out, dispersed them with 
great slaughter, without allowing them to approach the camp. 

Convinced by sad experience their priests had deceived them, 
and satisfied that it was in vain to attempt to deceive, or vanquish 
such powerful enemies, their fierceness began to abate, and they 
were seriously inclined to peace. They were, however, at a loss 
in what manner they should address the strangers; what idea to 
form of their character, and whether to consider them as beings 
of a gentle or malevolent nature. There were circumstances in 
their conduct that seemed to favour each opinion. The Spaniards 
had constantly dismissed their prisoners with presents of Euro- 
pean toys. 

This appeared extraordinary to men who were used to carry 
on an exterminating war, and who sacrificed and devoured with- 
out mercy, their captives taken in battle. On the other hand, 
Cortes had cut off the hands of fifty of the natives who came to 
the camp with provisions, and whom he took to be spies. This 
contrariety of conduct occasioned that doubt and uncertainty 
which appeared in their address: " If," said they, "you are di- 
" vinities of a cruel and savage nature, we present to you five 
gi slaves, that you may drink their blood, and eat their flesh If 
"you are mild deities, accept an offering of incense and varie- 
" gated plumes. If you are men, here is bread and fruit to nour- 
" ish you." The peace was soon concluded ; the Tlascalans yield- 
ed themselves as vassals to the crown of Castile, and engaged to 
assist Cortes in all his future operations. He took the republic 
under his protection, and promised to protect their persons and 
property from injury and \iolence. 

The profound veneration of the Tlascalans, encouraged Cortes 
to insist upon their abandoning their own superstitions, and that 
tliey should embrace tlie catholic faith. They were willing to 
acknowledge the truth and excellence of what he taught, but 
contended that their gods were divinities no less deserving of 
adoration, than the gods of the Spaniards: and earnestly re- 
quested him not to urge them any further upon a subject, with 
which they could not in any manner yield a compliance. 

Cortes enraged at their obstinacy, was preparing to urge by 
force what he could not accomplish by persuasion ; and, was 
going to overturn their altars and throw down their idols, if fa- 
ther Bartholomew de Olmedo, chaplain to the expedition, had 
not checked his inconsiderate impetuosity. He represented the 
imprudence of such an attempt : and that religion was not to be 
propagated by the sword, nor infidels to b*e converted by violence : 

H 2 



90 HISTORY OF 

that other weapons were to be employed in their ministry, that 
patient instruction must enlighten the understanding, and pious 
example captivate the heart, before men could be brought to em- 
brace the great truths of the christian religion. That a monk in 
the sixteenth century, when the idea of toleration was unknown, 
and when the rights of conscience were little understood, should 
be among the first advocates against persecution, and appear in 
behalf of religious liberty, is really astonishing, and the mind is 
soothed with unexpected pleasure, to find such humane and lib- 
eral sentiments avowed in those dark ages of superstition. 

The remonstrances of Oimedo had their proper weight with 
Cortes; he left the Tlascalans to the undisturbed exercise of 
their own rites, requiring only that they should desist from their 
horrid practice of otfeiing human victims in sacrifice. 

Cortes, as soon as the troops were fit for service, resolved to 
continue his march towards Mexico, notwithstanding the earnest 
dissuasive of the Tlascalans, who represented Montezuma as a 
faithless and cf uel prince, who waited for an opportunity to de- 
stroy him. 

Accompanied by six thousand Tlascalans, they, on the thir- 
teenth of October/] 519, directed their course toward Cholula ; 
Montezuma, who had at length consented to admit the Spaniards 
into his presence, informed Cortes that he had given orders for 
lift friendly reception there. Cholula was a considerable town,* 
and though only five leagues distant from Tlascaia, was former- 
ly an independent state: but had lately been subjected to the 
Mexican empire. 

This was considered by all the natives as a holy place, the 
sanctuary of their gods, to which devotees resorted from every 
province, and a greater number of human victims were offered 
in its temple, than in that of Mexico. 

It was strongly suspected that Montezuma, either from super- 
stitious hope, that the gods would there revenge the insults with 
which the Spaniards every where treated them, or that he 
might have a greater certainty of success, as being under the 
protection of his gods. The event shewed these suspicions were 
not ill founded. 

Cortes, who had been warned by the Tlascalans to keep a 
watchful eye upon the Cholulans, though received into the town 
with much seeming respect and cordiality, soon observed several 
circumstances in their conduct, which excited suspicion. Two 
of*the Tlascalans, who were encamped at some distance from 
the town, and who were not admitted by their ancient enemies 
within their precincts, found means to enter in disguise and in- 
formed Cortes that they observed the children of the principal 
citizens retiring in great haste every night, and that six children 
had been sacrificed in the chief temple \ a rite that indicated ths 



AMERICA. 91 

execution of some warlike enterprize was near at hand. At the 
same time, Marina the interpreter, received information from an 
Indian woman of distinction, whose confidence she had gained, 
that the destruction of her friends was concerted ; that a body of 
Mexican troops lay concealed near the town : that some of the 
streets were harricadoed, and in others pits and deep trenches 
were dug and slightly covered over, into which the horse might 
fall; that stones and missile weapons were collected on the tops of 
the temples, with which to overwhelm the infantry ; that the fa- 
tal hour was now at hand, and their ruin unavoidable. 

Cortes, alarmed at this concurring evidence, secretly arrested 
three of the chief priests ; from these he extorted a confession 
that confirmed the intelligence he had received. He therefore 
instantly resolved to prevent his enemies from effecting their de- 
signs, and to infiiet such an exemplary vengeance, as would strike 
Montezuma and his subjects with terror. 

The Spaniards and Zempoallans were drawn up in a large 
square, which had been allotted them for quarters, near the cen- 
tre of the town : the Tlascalans had orders to advance ; the ma- 
gistrates and chief citizens were sent for under various pretexts, 
seized and confined. On a signal given, the troops rushed out, 
and fell upon the multitude who were destitute of leaders, and 
so much astonished that the weapons fell from their hands, 
while they stood motionless, incapable of defence. As the Spa- 
niards pressed them in front, the Tlascalans attacked them 
in the rear. The streets were filled with bloodshed and death. 
The temples, which afforded a retreat to the priests, and some 
of the leading natives, were set on lire, and they perished in 
the flames. This scene of horror continued two days ; at length 
the carnage ceased, after the slaughter of six thousand Cholulans^ 
without the loss of a single Spaniard. 

Cortes then released the magistrates, reproaching them bitter- 
ly for their intended treachery ; declaring that as justice was 
now appeased, he forgave the offence ; but required them to re- 
call the citizens who had fled, and restore order in the town. 

Such was the ascendency which the Spaniards had acquired 
over these superstitious people, and so deeply were they im- 
pressed with an opinion that they were more than mortals, that 
they immediately obeyed the command. The city was in a few 
days repeopled,* who amidst the ruin of their sacred buildings 
yielded respectful service to the men who had embrued their 
hands in the blood of their relations and friends. 

From Cholula, Cortes advanced directly towards Mexico, 
which was only twenty leagues distant. As they passed through 
the country, the soldiers were greatly animated as they descend- 
ed from the mountains of Chalco, accross which the road lay : 
the vast plain of Mexico opened to their view. When they first 



92 HISTORY OF 

beheld this prospect, one of the most striking and beautiful on the 
face of the earth, when they observed fertile and cultivated fields, 
stretching faith er than the eye could reach ; when tuey saw a 
lake resembling th$ sea in extent, and discovered the capital city 
rising upon an island in the middle, adorned with its temples and 
turrets, the scene so far exceeded their imagination, that some 
\vere induced to believe the fanciful descriptions of romance were 
realized, and that its enchanted palaces and gilded domes were 
presented to their sight : others could hardly be persuaded that 
this wonderful spectacle was any thing more than a dream. 

As they advanced, their doubts were removed, but their 
amazement increased. They were now fully sati-fied that the 
country was rich, beyond what they had conceived; and flattered 
themselves that they should soon obtain an ample reward for all 
their services and sufferings. 

As they approached near the city, several circumstances oC- 
euned which made them suspect that some design was formed 
to surprise and cut them off. JNo enemy however appeared 5 
several messengers arrived successively from Montezuma, per- 
mitting them one day to advance, requiring them on the next to 
retire, as his hopes and fears alternately prevailed ; and, so 
strange was this infatuation, that Cortes was almost at the gates 
of the capital, before the monarch had determined whether to re- 
ceive him as a friend, or to oppose him as an enemy. 

The Spaniards, without regarding the fluctuation of Montezu- 
ma's sentiments, continued their march along the causeway that 
led to the city, through the lake, with great caution, and the 
strictest discipline, though without betraying any symptoms of 
distrust of the prince, whom they were about to visit. 

When they drew near the city, about a thousand persons, who 
appeared to be of distinction, came forth to meet them, adorned, 
with plumes, and clad in garments of fine cotton. Each of these 
in his order, passed by Cortes, and saluted him according to the 
mode practised in that country: expressing the utmost respect 
and submission. They announced the approach of Montezuma 
himself; and soon after his harbingers came in sight. 

There appeared first, two hundred persons in an uniform 
dress, with large plumes of feathers, alike in fashion, marching 
two and two in deep silence, and barefooted, with their eyes fixed 
on the ground. These were followed by a company of higher 
rank, in their most showy apparel: in the midst of these was 
Montezuma, in a chair, or litter, richly ornamented with gold^ 
and feathers of various colours ; others supported a canopy of 
curious workmanship over his head, and four of his principal fa- 
vourites carried him on their shoulders. Before him marched 
three officers, with rods of gold in their hands, which they lifted 
up at certain intervals : at which signal, all the people bowed 



AMERICA. 93 

their heads and hid their faces, as unworthy to look on so great 
a monarch. When he drew near, Cortes dismounted; and, with 
great appearance of respect, saluted him in the European man- 
ner. At the same time, Montezuma descended from his chair, 
and leaning on the arms of two of his nearest relations, approach- 
ed with a slow and stately pace : his attendants covering the 
streets with cotton-cloths, that he might not touch the ground. 
He returned the salutation of Cortes, according to the mode of 
his country, by touching the earth with his hand, and then kiss- 
ing it. By tliis condescension of Montezuma, his subjects firm- 
ly believed that those persons, before whom he had humbled 
himself, were more than human. 

This was confirmed afterwards ; as they marched through the 
crowd, the natives, to the great satisfaction of the Spaniards, fre- 
quently were heard to call them Teules or divinities. Montezu- 
ma conducted Cortes to the quarters which he had prepared for 
his reception ; and immediately took leave of him with a polite- 
ness, not unworthy of a court more refined. "You are now," 
said he, " with your brothers, in your own house; refresh your- 
selves after your fatigue, and be happy until I return." The 
place allotted to the Spaniards by Montezuma, was a house built 
by the father of Montezuma : it was surrounded by a stone wall, 
with towers at proper distances, which served for defence as well 
as ornament; and was so large as to accommodate both the Spaj 
lliards and their Indian allies. 

The first care of Cortes was to put the place in a posture 
of defence: he planted the artillery at every avenue which led 
to it: he appointed a large division of his troops to be always on 
guard; and posted sentinels at proper distances, with orders to 
observe the same vigilance, as if they were in sight of an ene- 
my's camp, 

In the evening, Montezuma returned to visit his guests, with 
the same pomp as at their first interview ; and brought presents 
of such value, not only to Cortes and his officers, but even to 
the private men, as proved the liberality of the monarch, and 
the opulence of the kingdom. 

A long conference ensued, in which Cortes learned what was 
the opinion of Montezuma, with respect to the Spaniards. He 
told him, that it was an established opinion among the Mexicans, 
handed down to them by tradition, that their ancestors came ori- 
ginally from a remote region, and conquered the provinces that 
were now subject to his dominion; that after they were settled 
there, the great captain who conducted them, returned to his 
own country; and promised, that at some future period his de- 
scendants should visit them, assume the government, and reform 
their constitution and laws; and that from what he had seen of 
Cortes and his followers, he was convinced they were the very 



94 HISTORY OF 

persons their traditions and prophecies had taught them to ex 
pect; and that he received them accordingly as relations of 
the same blood and parentage; and desired them to consider 
themselves as masters in his dominions: for both himself and 
subjects should be ready to comply with their will. Cortes re- 
plied in his usual style, with respect to the dignity and power of 
his sovereign, and his intentions of sending him into that coun- 
try : artfully framing his discourse so as to coincide with the idea 
which Montezuma had formed concerning the original of the Spa- 
niards, 

Next morning, Cortes and some of his principal attendants 
were admitted to a public audience of the emperor. The three 
subsequent days were employed in viewing the city ; the appear- 
ance of which filled them with surprize and admiration. Mexi- 
co, (Tenuchtitlan, as it was anciently called by the natives,) is 
situated in a large plain surrounded by mountains of such height, 
that though within the torrid zone, the temperature of its cli- 
mate is mild and healthful; all the moisture which descends 
from the high grounds is collected in several lakes : the two 
largest of which, of about ninety miles in circumference, com- 
municate with each other; the waters of one are fresh, the 
other brackish : on the banks of the latter the capital of Monte- 
zuma's empire was built. The access to the city was by artificial 
causeways or streets, formed of stones or earth about thirty feet 
in breadth. On l'ie €~:t r^s no causewajf, and the city could on^ 
ly be approached by canoes. Not only the temples of their gods, 
but the houses of the monarch, and those of persons of distinc- 
tion, in comparison with any other buildings which the Spaniards 
had seen in America, might be termed magnificent. 

But how much the novelty of those objects might amuse or 
astonish the Spaniards, they felt the utmost solicitude with res- 
pect to their own situation, They were now lodged in the capi- 
tal, in which they reckoned there were at least sixty thousand 
inhabitants : shut up, as it were, in a snare, from which it seem- 
ed impossible to escape ; they were moreover assured by the 
Tlascalans, that Mexican priests had counselled their sove- 
reign to admit the Spaniards into the capital, that they might cut 
them off at one blow with perfect security. 

Although Montezuma had received them with distinguished 
respect, they had reason to doubt his sincerity: yet even if r 
could suppose it to be real, they could not depend upon i; 
order flowing fiom his caprice. or a word uttered in passion.jp: 
irrevocably determine their fate. These reflections made a deep 
impression upon the mind of Cortes. 

Before he set out from Cholula, he had received advice from 
Villa Rica, that Qualpopoca, one of the Mexican generals, having 
assembled an army in order to attack some of the people, whom 



AMERICA. 95 

the Spaniards had encouraged to throw off the Mexican yoke? 
Escalante, with seven of his men, had been mortally wounded; 
he having, with part of the garrison, marched out to succour his 
allies ; that one Spaniard had been surrounded and taken alive, and 
his head cut off, and sent in triumph to the different cities, and 
last to Mexico, to convince the people their invaders were not 
invulnerable. 

Cortes, though alarmed with this intelligence, as an indication 
of Montezuma's hostile intentions, had nevertheless continued 
his march. But as soon as he entered Mexico, he became sensible 
that he had pushed forwards into a situation where it was diffi- 
cult to continue, and from which it was dangerous to retire. 
Disgrace, and perhaps death, would be the certain consequence 
of the latter. 

The success of the enterprize depended upon supporting that 
high opinion which the natives had formed with respect to the 
irresistible power of his arms ; upon the first appearance of tim- 
idity on his part, their veneration would cease, and Montezuma 
would be encouraged to let loose upon him the whole force of 
his empi#t. 

His situation was trying, but his mind was equal to it : and af- 
ter revolving the matter with deep attention, he resolve 1 upon a 
measute ; the boldest and most daring that ever entered into the 
mind of m.in ; which was no iess than seizing Montezuma in his 
palace, and to carry him a prisoner to the Spanish quarters. This 
he immediately proposed to his officers. The timid was startled at 
a measure so audacious. The more intelligent and resolute warm- 
ly approved ot it. conscious that it was the only resource in which 
there was any prospect of safety ; and brought over their com- 
panions so cordially to be of the same opinion, that it w as agreed 
instantly to make the attempt. At his usual hour of visiting 
Montezuma, Cortes went to the palace, accompanied by Alvara- 
do, Sandoval, Lugo, Velasquez de Leon, and Davilia, five of 
his principal officers, and as many trusty soldiers. 

Thirt) chosen men followed : not in regular order, but saunt- 
ering at some distance, as if their only object wa> curiosity ; other 
smaii parties were posted at proper intervals, in all the streets 
letting from the Spanish quarters to the palace, and the remain- 
der oi ins troops, with the Tlascalan allies, were under arms, rea- 
dy to sally out on the first alarm. Cortes and his companions 
were admitted without suspicion, the Mexican attendants retir* 
ing out of respect. He addressed the monarch in a tone ySry 
different from that which he had formerly been accustomed to, 
reproaching him bitterly as the author of the violent assault, made 
upon the Spaniards by one of his officers, and demanded public 
reparation lor the loss he had sustained, by the death of some of 
his companions, as well as for the insult offered to the great 



96 HISTORY OF 

prince, whose servants they were. Montezuma, confounded at 
this unexpected accusation, and changing colour, either from 
consciousness of guilt, or from feeling the indignity with which 
he was treated, asserted his own innocence with great earnest- 
ness ; and as a proof of it, gave orders instantly to bring Qual- 
popoca and his accomplices prisoners to Mexico. Cortes replied, 
that a declaration so respectable left no doubt on his own mind, 
but that something more was requisite to satisfy his followers, 
who would never be convinced that Montezuma Hid not harbour 
hostile intentions against them, unless, as a proof of his confi- 
dence and attachment, he removed from his own palace, and 
took up his residence in the Spanish quarters, where he should 
be served and honoured as became a great monarch. 

This strange proposition at first bereaved Montezuma of speech 
and almost of motion. At length indignation gave him utterance, 
and he haughtily answered " That persons of his rank, were not 
" accustomed voluntarily to give up themselves as prisoners; and 
c * were he mean enough to do so, his subjects would not permit 
" such an affront to be offered to their sovereign." Cortes un- 
willing to employ force, endeavoured by turns to intimidate and 
soothe him. r I he altercation became warm, and having contin- 
ued three hours, Velasquez de Leon, an impetuous and gallant 
young man, impatiently exclaimed, " ^Vhy waste more time in 
" vain ? let us either seize him instantly, or stab him to the 
" heart." The threatening voice and fierce gestures with which 
these words were uttered, struck Montezuma. He was sensi- 
ble the Spaniards had now proceeded too far to hope they would 
recede. 

His own danger was imminent, the necessity unavoidable. 
He saw both, and abandoning himself to his fate complied with 
their request. His officers were called, he communicated to them 
his resolution. Though astonished and afflicted, they presumed 
not to question the will of their master, but carried him in silent 
pomp, all bathed in tears, to the Spanish quarters. 

When it became publicly known that the strangers were con- 
veying away the emperor, the people broke out into the wildest 
excesses of grief and rcge, threatening the Spaniards with imme- 
diate destruction for their impious audacity. But as soon as Mon- 
tezuma appeated with a neeming gaity of countenance, and wav- 
ed his hand, the tumult was hushed ; and upon his declaring it 
to be his own choice that he went to reside for a short time among 
his new friends, the multitude, taught to reveie every intima- 
tion of their sovereign's pleasure, quietly dispersed. 

Thus this powerful prince, at noon day, in the midst of his capi- 
tal, was seized and carried off a prisoner, by a few strangers. 
\\ hen we consider the temerity of the attempt, and its successful 
execution, we can with propriety assert there is nothing in history. 



AMERICA, 97 

parallel to it: and were it not so well authenticated by the most 
unquestionable evidence, the whole narration would appear so 
wild and extravagant, as to go beyond the bounds of that veri- 
similitude which must be preserved even in fietious publications. 
Montezuma was received at the Spanish quarters with great 
ceremonious respect. He was attended by his own domestics. 
His principal officers had free access to him, and carried on all 
the functions of government, as if he had been at perfect liberty. 
He was nevertheless, watched with all the scrupulous vigilance 
requisite in guarding such an important prize: from captive 
princes, the hour of humiliation and suffering is not far distant. 
Qualpopoca and his son, with five of the principal officers who 
had served under him, were brought prisoners to the capital, by 
order of Montezuma, and given up to Cortes ; who after under- 
going the form of trial by a Spanish court martial, and though 
they acted as brave and loyal subjects in obeying the orders of 
their sovereign, in opposing the invaders of their country, they 
were condemned to be burnt alive. 

The unhappy victims were instantly led forth. The pile on 
which they were laid was composed of the weapons collected iri 
the royal magazine for the public defence. An innumerable mul- 
titude of Mexicans beheld, in silent astonishment, this fresh in- 
sult offered to the majesty of their empire: an officer of distinc- 
tion committed to the flames, by the authority of strangers, for 
having done what he owed in duty to his sovereign : and the arms 
provided by their ancestors for avenging such wrongs, consumed 
before their eyes. 

Cortes convinced that Qualpopoca would not have ventured to 
attack Escalante without orders from his master, was not satisfied 
with the punishment of the instrument, while the author escap- 
ed with impunity. Just before Qualpopoca was led out to suffer, 
Cortes entered the apartment of Montezuma, followed by some 
of his officers, and a soldier carrying a pair of fetters ; and ap- 
proaching the monarch with a stern countenance, told him, that 
the persons who were now going to suffer, had charged him as 
the cause of the outrage that was committed ; and that it was 
necessary that he likewise should make atonement for that guilt; 
without waiting for a reply, he commanded his soldiers to clap 
the fetters on his legs. The orders were instantly obeyed. 

The monarch, who had been accustomed to have his person ac- 
knowledged as sacred and inviolable, considered this profanation 
of it as a prelude to his death, broke out into loud lamentations 
and complaints. His attendants fell at his feet, and bathed them 
with their tears, bearing up the felters in their hands with offi- 
cious tenderness, to lighten their pressure. 

When Cortes returned from the execution, he appeared with 
a cheerful countenance; and ordered the fetters to be taken off 

i 



9S HISTORY OF 

As Montezuma's spirits had sunk with unmanly dejection, they 
now rose to indecent exultation, and he passed at once from the 
anguish of despair, to transports of joy and fondness, towards- 
his deliverers. The spirits of Montezuma were now subdued, 
Cortes availed himself to the utmost ot the power he had acquir- 
ed over him. 

Several Spaniards were sent in company with some Mexicans 
of distinction, as guides and protectors, to explore the different 
parts of the empire. While they were thus employed, Cortes, in 
the name of Montezuma, degraded some of the principal officers, 
whose abilities and independent spirit excited his jealousy ; and 
substituted in their places, others more obsequious to his will. 

There was yet wanting one thing to complete his security : 
he wished to have command of the lake, that he might ensure a 
retreat, should the Mexicans take arms against him. This Mon- 
tezuma enabled him to accomplish. Cortes had given him a pomp- 
ous description of those floating palaces that move on the water, 
without the aid of oars. Having thus excited Montezuma's curi- 
osity, and under pretence of gratifying him, he persuaded the 
monarch to appoint some of his subjects to convey his naval stores 
from Vera Cruz to Mexico, and employed others in cutting tim- 
ber: with this assistance, the Spanish carpenters soon complet- 
ed two brigantines which were considered by Cortes as a cer- 
tain resource, if a retreat should be necessary. 

This tame submission to his will, encouraged Cortes to put it 
to a proof still more trying. He urged Montezuma to acknow- 
ledge himself a vassal" of the king of Castile, and to subject 
his dominions to the payment of an annual tribute. With this 
requisition Montezuma was so obsequious as to comply. The 
chief men of the empire were called together; he with great so- 
lemnity, reminded them of the traditions and prophecies which 
led them to expect the arrival of a people, sprung from the same 
stock as themselves, in order to take the supreme power into 
their own hands ; he declared his belief, that the Spaniards were 
this promised race ; and therefore he acknowledged their mo- 
narch as possessing the right to govern the Mexican empire; 
that he would lay his crown at his feet and obey him as a tribu - 
tary. Wl i!e Montezuma uttered these words, tears and groans 
interrupted his utterance; he still letained such a sense of dig- 
nity, as to feel that pang which touches the heart of princes, 
when constrained to resign independent power. The assembly 
were struck with astonishment, and a sullen murmur indicated 
their surprise and indignation ; and threatened some violent erup- 
tion of rage to be near at hand. Cortes foreseeing this, season- 
ably interposed to prevent it, by declaring that his master had 
no "intention to deprive Montezuma of his authority or royal 
dignity : or to make any alteration in the laws or constitution of 



AMERICA. » 

the Mexican Empire ; this assurance, and the monarch's exam- 
ple, together with their dread of the Spanish power, extorted a 
reluctant consent from the assembly. 

This act of submission and homage, was executed with all the 
formalities which the Spaniards were pleased to prescribe. Mon- . 
tezuma at the instigation of Cortes, accompanied this submission 
with a magnifieient present to his new sovereign ; and his subjects 
stimulated by his example, brought in very liberal contributions. 
But however pliant Montezuma might be in other matters, 
with respect to his religion, he was inflexible. Though Cortes 
often urged him with the zeal of a missionary to renounce his 
false gods, and embrace the catholic faith, he always rejected 
the proposition with horror. Cortes was so enraged at his ob- 
stinacy, that in a transport of zeal he led out his soldiers to 
throw down the idols in the great temple by force. But the 
priests and people taking arms in defence of their altars, the 
zeal of Cortes was overruled by prudence, and induced him to 
desist from his rash attempt, after dislodging the idols from one 
of the shrines, and placing the image of the Virgin Mary in its 
place. 

From that moment the Mexicans began to meditate how they 
might expel or destroy the Spaniards, and believed themselves 
called upon to avenge the insult offered to their gods. The 
priests and leading men held frequent consultations with Mon- 
tezuma for this purpose. But as it might prove fatal to the cap- 
tive monarch to attempt either the one or the other by violence, 
he was willing to try more gentle means. Having called Cortes 
into his presence, he observed that now, as all the purposes of 
his embassy were fully accomplished, the gods had declared their 
will, and the people were unanimous in their desire, that he and 
his followers should instantly depart out of the empire. With 
this he required them to comply, or unavoidable destruction 
would fall suddenly on their heads. 

The tenor of this unexpected requisition, as well as the deter- 
mined tone in which it was uttered, left Cortes no room to doubt, 
that it was the result of some deep laid scheme concerted be- 
tween Montezuma and his subjects. He coolly replied, he had 
already begun to prepare for returning to his own country; but 
as the vessels in which be came were destroyed, some time was 
requisite for building other ships. 

This appearing reasonable, a number of Mexicans were sent 
to Vera Cruz, to cut down timber; and some Spanish carpenters 
were appointed to superintend the work. Cortes flattered him- 
self that during this interval, he should receive such reinforce- 
ments, as would enable him to dispise every danger. 

Nine months had now elapsed since Porto-cerrero and Monti- 
go had sailed with his despatches to Spain ; he daily expected 



100 HISTORY OF 

their return with a confirmation of his authority from the king > 
withouttthis his condition was insecure and precarious. 

While he remained in this suspense, uncertain with respect to 
the future, and by the late declaration of Montezuma, oppressed 
with a new addition of cares, a Mexican courier arriving inform- 
ed him of some ships having appeared on the coast. Cortes 
elated with this intelligence imagined they were reinforcements 
arrived to strengthen and forward his conquests : and that the 
completion of all his wishes and hopes was at hand : he imparted 
the glad tidings to his companions, who received them with 
transports of mutual congratulation. Their joy was short; a 
message from Sandoval, whom Cortes had made governor of 
Vera Cruz in the room of Escalante, brought certain intelligence 
that the armament was fitted out by Velasquez governor of Cuba, 
and threatened them with immediate destruction. 

The armament consisted of eighteen ships, which had on board 
fourscore horsemen, eight hundred foot soldiers, of which eighty 
were musqueteers, and a hundred and twenty cross-bow men, 
together with a train of twelve pieces of cannon. This force was 
commanded by Pamphilo de Narvaez, with instructions to seize 
Cortes, and his principal officers, and send them prisoners to 
Cuba, and then to complete the conquest of the country in his 
name. 

Narvaez had landed his men without opposition, near St. Juan 
de Uilua. Three soldiers whom Cortes had sent to search for 
mines, deserted and joined Narvaez: by them he was informed 
of the progress and situation of Cortes ; and as they had learned 
the Mexican language, were the more acceptable, as they would 
serve as interpreters. Narvaez having sent a summons to the 
governor of Vera Cruz, to surrender, Guavara a priest, whom he 
employed in that set vice, made the demand with such insolence, 
that Sandoval an officer of high spirit, and zealously attached to 
Cortes, instead of complying with his terms, seized him, and his 
officers, and sent them prisoners in chains to Mexico. Cortes re- 
ceived them not as enemies, but as friends, condemning the se- 
verity of Sandoval, set them immediately at liberty. 

By this well-timed clemency, seconded by cresses and pre- 
sents he gained their confidence, and drew from them such par- 
ticulars concerning the force and intentions of Narvaez, as gave 
a view of the impending danger, iu its full extent. 

lie had now to take the field against an army in courage and 
martial discipline equal to his own; in number far superior, com- 
manded by an officer of known bravery. 

Narvaez more solicitous to gratify the resentment of Velas- 
ques, than attentive to the honour and interest of his country, 
had represented Cortes and his followers to the natives, as fugi- 
tives and rebels, who had anjustly invaded the Mexican em- 



AMERICA. 101 

pire; and that his sole object was to punish the Spaniards, and 
rescue them fiom their opp'ession. The same unfavourable re- 
presentations had b<*en conveyed to Montezuma. 

Animated with the prospect of being set free from subjection 
to strangers, the provinces began openly to revolt from Cortes; 
and regarded Narvaez as their deliverer. Montezuma kept up a 
secret intercourse with the new commander, and courted his 
favour. 

Such were the dangers and difficulties which presented them- 
selves to the view of Cortes. No situation could be more trying. 
If he should abandon the capital, and set the captive monarch at 
liberty, and march out to meet the enemy, he must at once give 
up all the fruits of his toils and victory, and relinquish advan- 
tages which could not be recovered without infinite danger. The 
natural haughtiness of Narvaez precluded all hopes of succeed- 
ing by conciliatory measures. 

After revolving every scheme with deep attention, Cortes fixed 
on that which was the most hazardous, but if successful, would be 
most honourable and beneficial to himself and his country. 
With decisive intrepidity, he in this desperate situation, deter- 
mined to make one bold effort for victory under every disadvan- 
tage, rather than sacrifice his own conquests, and the Spanish 
interest in Mexico. But as it would have been indecent and im- 
politic to advance in arms against his countrymen, without first 
attempting to adjust matters by an amicable negociation : he em- 
ployed Olmedo, his chaplain, to whose character the function was 
well suited, and who was possessed with such prudence and ad- 
dress as qualified him for secret intrigues, in which Cortes plac- 
ed his chief confidence. 

All terms of accommodation were rejected with scorn by Nar- 
vaez. who, by a public proclamation, denounced Cortes and his 
companions rebels and enemies to their country. The intrigues 
of Oimedo were more successful, he had letters to deliver from 
Cortes and his officers, to their ancient friends and companions: 
these were accompanied with presents of rings and chains of 
gold, which inspired those needy adventurers with high ideas of 
the wealth that he had acquired, and envy of the good fortune of 
those who were engaged in his service. They declared for an 
immediate accommodation with Cortes ; but Narvaez upon dis- 
covering the inclinations of the army towards an accommodation, 
irritated, his violent temper almost to madness. In a transport of 
rage, he set a price upon the head of Cortes, and his principal of- 
ficers, and having learned that he was now advanced within a 
league of Zempoalla with his small body of men. he considered 
this such an insult, as merited immediate chastisement, and 
marched out with all his troops to offer him battle. 

Cortes was a leader of greater abilities and txpeuencj than to 

i 2 



102 HISTORY OF 

fight an enemy so far superior in number on equal ground. Hav- 
ing stationed his army on the opposite bank of the river dc Cano- 
as, where he was safe from any attack, he beheld the approach 
of the enemy without concern, and disregarded this vain bravado. 
The wet season lad set in, and the rain had poured down during 
a great part of the day, with a violence peculiar to the Torrid 
Zone. 

The followers of Narvaez^ unaccustomed to the severity of a 
militaiy life, murmured at bein^ thus fruitlessly exposed : this, 
together with the contempt he had of his enemy, induced him to 
permit them to retire to Zempoalia. The very circumstance 
that made them quit the field, encouraged Cortes to form a 
scheme by which he hoped at once to terminate the war. His 
hardy veterans, though standing under the torrents, without a 
single tent, or any shelter to cover them, were so far from repin- 
ing at hardships which were become familiar to them, that they 
were still fresh and alert for service. He knew that the enemy 
would give themselves up to repose after their fatigue, and deem 
themselves perfectly secure at a season so unfit for action. He re- 
solved therefore to surprize them by an unexpected attack in the 
night. His soldiers, knowing that there was no resource but in 
some desperate effort of courage, approved of the measure with 
such warmth, that Cortes in an oration which he delivered to 
them was more careful to temper, than to inflame their ardour. 

He divided them into three parties : Sandoval commanded the 
first: this gallant officer was entrusted with the most dangerous 
and important service, that of seizing the enemy's artillery, which 
was planted before the principal towers of the temple, where 
Narvaez had fixed his head quarters. Christoval de Olid com- 
manded the second, with orders to assault the tower and lay hold 
on the general. Cortes himself conducted the last and smallest 
division, which was to act as a body of reserve^ and to support 
the other two as there should be occasion. 

Having passed the river de Canoas, which was so swelled with 
the rains, that the water reached their chins, they advanced ia 
profound silence, each man armed with his sword, his dagger, and 
his Chinantlan spear. Narvaez, remiss in proportion to his secu- 
rity, had posted only two sentinels to watch the motions of an ene- 
my, whom he had such good cause to dread. One of these was 
seized by the advance guard of Cortes's troops, the other made 
his escape, and hurrying to the town, spread the alarm of the ene- 
my's approach, so that there w r as full time to prepare for thein 
reception. But through the arrogance and infatuation of Nar- 
vaez, the important interval was lost. He charged the sentinel 
with cowardice, and treated with derision the idea of being at- 
tacked by forces so unequal to his own. The shouts of Cortes's 
soldiers/however, convinced him at last of his mistake 



AMERICA. 103 

The rapidity with which they advanced was such that they 
fired but one cannon, before Sandoval's party closed with them, 
and drove them from their guns, and had begun to force their way 
up the steps of the tower. Narvaez, as brave in action as pre- 
sumptuous in conduct, armed himself in haste, and bv his voice 
and example endeavoured to animate his men to the combat. 
Olid advanced to sustain his companions : and Cortes himself, 
rushing to the front, conducted and added new vigour to the at- 
tack. The compact order of this small body, and the impene- 
trable front they presented with their long spears, bore down 
all opposition. 

They had now reached the gate, and as they were endea- 
voring to force it open, a soldier set fire to the reeds with which 
the tower was covered and forced Narvaez to sally out. In 
the first encounter he was wounded in the eye, with a spear, 
and falling to the ground, he was in a moment clapped in 
fetters. 

The shout of victory resounded among the troops of Cortes. 
Those who had sallied out with their leader, feebly maintained 
the conflict, or began to surrender. Terror and confusion pre- 
vailed. Their own artillery was pointed against them ; where- 
ver they turned their eyes, they beheld with astonishment* lights 
gleaming through the obscurity of the night ; which, although 
proceeding from what is now well known by the name of the fire- 
fly, which abounds in sultry climates, their affrighted imagina- 
tions, represented as numerous bauds of musketeers, advancing 
with lighted matches to the attack. After a short resistance, 
the soldiers compelled their officers to capitulate ; and before 
morning all had laid down their arms, and quietly submitted to 
their conquerors. 

This complete victory was the more acceptable, as it was. 
gained with little bloodshed : only two of the soldiers of Cortes 
being slain; as were also two officers and fifteen privates of the 
adverse party. Cortes treated the vanquished as friends; offered 
to send them immediately back to Cuba, or take them into his 
service, as partners of his fortune, and on the same terms as 
his own soldiers. They eagerly embraced the latter proposal, 
and vied with each other in professions of fidelity and attachment 
to a general, who had given such a convincing proof of his 
abilities for command. 

Cortes was now placed at the head of a thousand Spaniards, 
eager to follow wherever he should lead them. Doubly fortunate 
was this victory for Cortes, as he received intelligence a few 
days afterwards, that the Mexicans had destroyed his brigan- 
tines, and had fallen upon the small party he had left with Alva- 
rado. Had reduced to ashes the Magazine of provisions* and 
carried on hostilities, with such fury, that although the Spaniards 



104 HISTORY OF 

defended themselves with uncommon bravery, yet without suc- 
cour t!e\ must soon have been cut off by famine, or sink under 
the multitude of their enemies. 

The Mexicans had flattered themselves, that now when their 
invaders were divided was the time to deliver themselves from 
the odious dominion of strangers, and release their sovereign. 
Alvan.ro, though a gallant Officer, had not that capacity and 
dignity of manners, by which Cortes had acquired such an as- 
cendency over the minds of the natives. Instead of employing 
address to disconcert the plan or soothe the spirits of the Mexi- 
cans, he waited the return of one of their solemn festivals, and 
when the principal persons of the empire were dancing in 
the court of the great temple, he seized all the avenues which 
led to it, and allured partly by the rich ornaments which they 
wore in honour of their gods, partly by the facility of cutting off 
at once the authors of a conspiracy which he dreaded, he fell 
upon them unarmed, and unexpected, and massacred a great 
number, tho?e only escaping who made their way over the bat- 
tlements of the temple. 

This treacherous and cruel action filled the city and the whole 
empire, with indignation and rage. All called aloud for venge- 
ance ', and regardless of the life or safety of the monarch, or of 
their own danger in assaulting an enemy, who had been so long 
the object of their terror, they committed all those acts of vio- 
lence of which Cortes had received an account. 

To him the danger appeared so imminent as to admit of no de- 
lay. He set out instantly with all his forces. At Tlascala he 
was joined by two thousand chosen warriors. On entering the 
Mexican territories, he found disaffection to the Spaniards was 
not confined to the capital. The principal inhabitants had de- 
serted the towns through which he passed : no person of note ap- 
peared to meet him with the expected respect; no provision 
made for the subsistance of his troops, as usual ; and though he 
was permitted to advance without opposition, solitude and silence 
reigned in every place ; a deep rooted antipathy had taken place*, 
which excited the most just alarm. 

Notwithstanding their enmity was become so implacable, they 
knew not how to take proper measures for their own safety, or 
the destruction of their enemies. Instead of breaking down the 
bridges and causeways, by which they might have enclosed Alva- 
rado and his party, and stopped the career of Cortes, they 
again suffered him to march quietly ; and on the twenty-fourth 
of June, 1520, he took peaceabie possession of his former quar- 
ters-. 

The transports of joy, with which Alvarado received Cortes 
and his companions, cannot be described ; but the general seemed 
to have forgotten that sagacity and caution^ which had hitherto 



AMERICA. 105 

accompanied him. He not only neglected to visit Montezuma, 
but added expressions full of contempt for that prince and his 
people. 

The forces of which he had now the command, appeared to him 
irresistible ; so that he began to assume a higher tone, and lay- 
aside the mask of moderation, under which he had hitherto con- 
cealed his designs. Some Mexicans, who understood the Spanish 
language, reported the contemptuous words and conduct of Cor- 
tes, to their countrymen, which renewed their rage. They re- 
sumed their arms, with additional fury, and attacked a body of 
Spaniards, as they were marching to the great square, where the 
public market was held ; who were compelled to retire with 
loss. Delighted to find that their oppressors were not invincible, 
they advanced next day with extraordinary martial pomp, to as- 
sault the Spanish quarters. 

Their number was formidable, and their courage great. 
Though the artillery was pointed against them, when they 
were crowded in narrow streets, and swept oft* multitudes at every 
discharge, their impetuosity did not abate. Their broken ranks 
were continually filled up with fresh men ; these were succeeded 
by others no less intrepid and ea^er on vengeance. 

The abilities and experience of Cortes, seconded by the dis- 
ciplined valour of his troops, was hardly sufficient to defend the 
fortifications, into which the enemy were several times ou the 
point of entering. 

, Some immediate and extraordinary effort was now requisite to 
extricate themselves out of their present situation. As soon as 
the evening induced the Mexicans to retire, in compliance with 
their custom of ceasing from hostilities with the setting sun, Cor- 
tes began to prepare for a sally, with such a force as might either 
drive the enemy out of the city, or compel them to listen to terms 
of accommodation. 

He conducted in person the troops destined for this important 
enterprize. Every invention known at that time in the European 
art of war, as well as every precaution, suggested by his long ex- 
perience in the Indian mode of fighting, were employed to en- 
sure success. The enemy he found ready prepared, and deter- 
mined to oppose him. The force of the Mexicans w T as greatly 
encreased by fresh troops which poured in continually from the 
country. Led by their nobles, inflamed by their priests, and 
fighting in defence of their families, under the eye, as they 
judged, of their gods, they made a desperate resistance, and 
fought with enthusiastic ardour, in contempt of danger and 
death. Wherever the Spaniards could close with them, the su- 
periority of their arms and discipline, obliged the natives to give 
way; but, in the narrow streets, and where the bridges of com- 
munication were broken down, they could seldom come to a fair 



106 HISTORY OF 

; encounter, and the Spaniards, as they advanced, were exposed 
to showers of arrows and stones from the tops of houses. 

After a day of incessant exertion, though vast numbers of the 
^Mexicans fell, and part of the city was burned, the Spaniards, 
weary with the slaughter, were at length disposed to retire, with 
the mortification of having accomplished nothing; so decisive, as 
to compensate for the loss of twelve soldiers killed, and sixteen 
wounded: another sally was made with greater force, but with 
no better success ; and in it the general was wounded in the hand. 
Cortes perceived, when it was too late, his error in treating with 
contempt, the Mexicans. He became sensible that he could nei 
ther maintain his present station in the city, or retire from it with 
out imminent danger. There was, however, one resource 
left: Montezuma was still in his power. 

When the Mexicans approached next morning to renew the 
assault, that unfortunate prince, was reduced to the sad necessity 
of becoming the instrument of his own disgrace; he advanced 
to the battlements in his royal robes, and with all the pomp in 
which he used to appear on solemn occasions. At the sight of 
their sovereign, the weapons dropped from their hands, every 
tongue was silent, all bowed their heads, and many prostrated 
themselves on the ground. He tried to assuage their rage by eve* 
ry soothing argument. When he had ended his discourse, a sul- 
len murmur ran through the crowd ; to this succeeded reproach- 
es and threats ; and their fury rising in a moment above every 
restraint and respect, flights of arrows and vollies of stones, pour- 
ed in so violently from the ramparts, that before the Spanish sol- 
diers had time to shield Montezuma with their bucklers, two 
arrows wounded the unhappy monarch, and a stone which struck 
him on the temple, brought him to the ground. 

On seeing him fall, the Mexicans were so much astonished, 
that they passed in a moment f» om one extreme to another ; re- 
morse succeeded to insult, and they fled with terror, as if the ven- 
geance of heaven was pursuing them for the crime which they 
had committed. The Spaniards without molestation carried Mon- 
tezuma to his apartments ; and Cortes hastened thither to con- 
sole him under his affliction. But the haughty spirit of that un- 
happy monarch, which seemed to have been long extinct, return- 
ing, he seemed to survive this last humiliation, and protract a 
life of ignominy. In a transport of rage, he tore the bandages 
from his wounds, and obstinately refused to take any nourish^ 
ment, that his wretched days might be soon ended : rejecting 
with disdain all the solicitations of the Spaniards to embrace the 
christian faith. 

The fate of Montezuma, deprived Cortes of all hopes of bring- 
ing the Mexicans to a«y accommodation ; and he saw no hopes 
of safety, but in attempting a retreat ; and he began to prepare 



AMERICA. 107 

for it. But a sudden motion of the Mexicans, involved him in 
fresh difficulties. They took possession of a high tower of the 
great temple, which overlooked the Spanish quarters, and 
placing there some of their principal warriors not a Spaniard 
could stir without being exposed to their missile weapons. 

From this post it was necessary, at every hazard to dislodge 
them, and Juan de Escobar, with a numerous detachment of 
chosen soldiers was ordered to make the attack. But Escobar, 
though a gallant officer, and at the head of troops accustomed 
to conquer, was thrice repulsed. Cortes sensible that the reputa- 
tion and safety of his army depended upon this assault, ordered a 
buckler to be tied to his arm, as he could not manage it with his 
wounded hand, and rushed with h:s drawn sword into the thick- 
est of the combatants. Encouraged by the presence of their gen- 
eral, the Spaniards returned to the charge with such vigour, 
that they gradually forced their way up the steps, and drove the 
Mexicans to the platform at the top of the tower. There a dread- 
ful carnage began, when two Voting Mexicans of high rank, ob- 
serving Cortes as he animated his soldiers by his voice and exam- 
ple generously resolved to sacrifice their own lives, that they 
might cut off* the author of all their calamities. 

They approached him in a suppliant posture, as if they intend- 
ed to lay down their arms, and seizing him in a moment, hurried 
him towards the battlements, over which they threw themselves 
headlong in hopes of dragging him along with them, to be dashed 
to pieces by the same fall. But Cortes by his strength and agili- 
ty, disengaged himself from the grasp, and the gallant youths per- 
ished in this unsuccessful attempt to save their country. The 
Spaniards after they became masters of the tower, set fire to it, 
and without further molestations continued their preparations for 
their retreat. 

The point to be determined upon was, whether they should 
inarch out openly in the face of day, or whether they should retire 
secretly in the night! The latter was preferred. They began 
to move towards midnight, -in three divisions. Sandoval led the 
van; Pedro Alvarado, and Velasquez de Leon conducted the 
rear; and Cortes commanded in the centre, where he placed the 
prisoners ; among whom were a son and two daughters of Mon- 
tezuma, together with several Mexicans of distinction, the attil- 
lery, baggage, and a portable bridge of timber, to be laid over the 
breaches in the causeway. They marched in profound silence 
along the causeway, which led to Tacuba. They reached the 
first breach in it without disturbance, hoping their retreat was 
undiscovered. But the Mexicans unptrceiv* d had watched their 
motions and had made proper dispositions, for a formidable attack. 

While the Spaniards were employed in placing their bridge, 
| and conducting their horses and artillery, alon^; the causeway, 



108 HISTORY OF 

they were suddenly alarmed with the tremendous sound of war- 
like instruments, and a general shout from an innumerable mul- 
titude of their enemies. 

The lake was covered with canoes ; and flights of arrows, and 
other missile weapons poured in from every quarter: the Mexi- 
cans rushing forward with fearless impetuosity. Unfortunately 
the wooden bridge was wedged by the weight of the artillery so 
fast into the stones and mud that it was impossible to remove it* 

Dismayed at this accident, the Spaniards advanced to the se- 
cond breach with precipitation. The Mexicans hemmed them 
in on every side; and though they defended themselves with their 
usual courage, crouded as they were, their military skill was of- 
little avail, nor did the obscurity of the night permit them to de- 
rive any great advantage from the use of their fire arms, or the 
superiority of their other weapons. All Mexico was now in arms, 
eager on the destruction of their oppressors. Those who were 
not near enough to annoy them in person, impatient of delay, 
drove on their countrymen in front with irresistable violence. 
Other warriors instantly filled the place of those who fell. The 
Spaniards weary with slaughter, and unable to sustain the weight 
of the torrent that poured in upon them, began to gjve way. In a 
moment the c< nfusion was universal ; horse and foot, officers and 
soldiers, friends and enemies, were mingled together; and while 
all were engaged, and many fell, they could hardly distinguish 
from what hand the blow came. Cortes, with about one hundred 
foot soldiers, and a few horse, forced his way over the two re- 
mainingbreachesin the causeway: the bodies of the dead served 
to fill up the chasms, and reached the main land. 

Having formed them as soon as they arrived, he returned with 
such as were capable of service, to assist his friends in their re- 
treat, and to encourage them by his presence and example, to 
persevere in attempting their escape, tie met with part of his 
soldiers, who had broke through the enemy, but found many 
more overwhelmed by the multitude of their aggressors, or per- 
ishing in the lake; and heard the piteous lamentations of others, 
whom the Mexicans having taken alive, were carrying off in tri- 
umph to be sacrificed to the god of war. Betore day all who had 
escaped assembled at Tacuba. 

But when the morning dawned, and discovered to the view of 
Cortes, his shattered forces reduced to less than half their number; 
the survivors dejected, and most of them covered with wounds, 
the thoughts of what they had suffered, and the remembrance of 
so many faithful friends, and gallant men, who had fallen the 
preceding niyht. pierced his soul with such anguish, that while he 
was forming their ranks, and gi\ing some necessary orders, the 
soldiers observed the tears trinkle down his cheeks ; and remark- 
ed with much saiisfacttOB^that while astentive to his duty as 
general, he was not insensible to the feelings of a man. 



AMERICA, 109 

In this fatal retreat, many officers of distinction perished, and 
amongst these Velasquez de I<eon, who had joined himself to 
Cortes in opposition to the interest of his kinsman the governor 
of Cuba, and who was respected as the second person in the ar- 
my. All the artillery, baggage and ammunition were lost, and 
according to the best account above six hundred private men, 
and above two thousand Tlascalans were killed, and only a very 
small portion of the treasure they had amassed, was saved. 

It was notwithstanding some consolation, that Aguilar and 
Marina had made their escape; their functions as interpreters, 
rendered them of essential service. 

The first care of Cortes was to find some shelter for his wea- 
ried troops; the people of Tacuba had began to take arms, and 
ihe Mexicans continued to infest them on every side, so that he 
could no longer continue in his present station. He fortunately 
discovered a temple on a rising ground, which he took possession 
of, he found the shelter he wanted, and also some provisions to 
! refresh his men. 

During his stay here, he was engaged in deep consultation with 
his officers, concerning the route which they should take in their 
retreat. A Tlascalan soidier undertook to be their guide : Tlas- 
,cala, the only place where they could hope to find a friendly re- 
ception, lay sixty-four miles to the east of Mexico ; towards this 
place they shaped their course ; they marched six days with little 
respite, and under continual alarms, through a country in some 
places marshy and some mountainous, numerous bodies of Mex- 
icans hovering around them: sometimes harrassing them at a 
distance, and sometimes attacking them openly in front, in rear, 
,and in flank, with great boldness 5 as they were now convinced 
? that they were not invincible. 

These were not all the evils they had to undergo : the country 
through which \h(?y passed was barren, yieldingbut little provi- 
sions; they were therefore reduced to feed upon such berries and 
roots as they could fiad by the way. At the very time when fa- 
mine was depressing their spirits, and wasting their strength, 
their situation required the most vigorous and unremitting exer- 
tions of courage and activity. One circumstance alone animated 
the Spaniards; their commander sustained the sad reverse of 
fortune with unshaken magnanimity. His presence of mind ne- 
ver forsook him ; his sagacity saw and provided for every event; 
he was foremost in every danger, and endured every hardship 
with cheerfulness. 

The difficulties with which he was surrounded, seemed to call 

forth new talents; and his soldiers, though despairing themselves; 

continued to follow him with increasing confidence m his abilities. 

On the sixth day they reached Gtftmba, not far from the road 

'leading from Mexico to Tlasc.ila. Early next mor&zag l'r y L^ 

K J 



110 HISTORY OF 

gan to advance towards it: flying parties of the enemy still hang- 
ing on their rear; and amidst* the insults which they uttered, Ma- 
rina remarked that they often exclaimed with exultation, **Go on 
" robbers: go to the place where you shall quickly meet the ven- 
" geance due to your crimes." The meaning of this threat they 
understood when they had reached the summit of an eminence 
before them. There a spacious valley opened to their view, co- 
vered with a vast army extending as far as the eye could reach. 

The Mexicans had assembled their principal force in this 
place, through which they knew Cortes must pass. At the sight 
of this incredible multitude, the Spaniards began to despair. But 
Cortes without allowing their fears to gather strength by reflec- 
tion, after warning them that no alternative now remained but to 
conqueror die, led them instantly to the charge. The Mexicans 
awaited their approach with unusual fortitude. 

Such however, was the superiority of the Spanish discipline 
and arms, that the impression of this small body was inesistable; 
and which ever way its force was directed, it penetrated and dis- 
persed the most numerous battalions. But while they gave way 
m one quarter, new combatants advanced from another: and 
though the Spaniards were successful in every attack, yet were 
they ready to sink under those repeated efforts, without seeing 
any end to their toil, or any hope of victory. 

At that time Cortes observed the great standard of the empire, 
which was carried before the Mexican general, advancing: and 
fortunately recollecting to have heard, that on the fate of it de- 
pended the event of every battle ; he assembled k few of his brav- 
est officers, whose horses were still capable of service, and placing 
himself at their head, pushed forward towards the standard with 
an impetuosity that bore down every thing before it. A chosen 
body of nobles who guarded the standard, made some resistance, 
but were soon broken. Cortes with a stroke of his lance, wounded 
the Mexican general, and threw him to the ground ; one of his 
followers dismounting, put an end to kis life, and laid hold of the 
imperial standard. 

The moment that their leader fell, and the standard, to which 
all turned their eyes, disappeared, the Mexicans, as if the bond 
which held them together had been dissolved, threw away their 
weapons, and tied with precipitation to the mountains. The 
Spaniards unable to pursue them far, returned to take the spoils 
of the fleld, winch were so valuable, as to be some compensation 
for the wealth which they had lost in Mexico. The principal 
warriors in the enemy's army, had been dressed out in their rich- 
est ornaments, expecting that they were marching to certain 

victory, 

JSeAt day to their great joy, they entered the Tlascalan terri- 
tories. Happily for" them, the enmity of the Tlascalans to the 

g e 



AMERICA. Ill 

Mexican name was so inveterate, and their desire to avenge the 
death of their countryman so vehement, that far from taking ad- 
vantage of the distressed situation in which they beheld the Spa- 
niards, they received them with a tenderness and cordiality, 
which quickly renewed all their former confidence. 

Some interval of tranquility and indulgence was now abso- 
lutely necessary, that the soldiers might give attention to the cure 
of their wounds, which had been too long neglected, as well as to 
recruit their strength. Cortes had still a body of troops equal in 
number to that with which he had penetrated into the centre of 
the Mexican empire, and taken possession of the capital : Ids ex- 
perience of the natives, and knowledge of the country, inspired 
him with hopes of quickly recovering all that he had been depriv- 
ed of by the late events. 

His attention to court the Tlascalan chiefs was one of his first 
measures: he distributed among them so liberally of the rich 
spoils of Otumba, that he was secure of obtaining whatever he 
should require of the republic. He drew a small supply of am- 
munition, and two or three field pieces from his stores at Vera 
Cruz. He dispatched an officer of confidence with four ships of 
Narvaez's fleet to Hispaniola and Jamaica, to engage adventu- 
rers, and to purchase horses, gunpowder, and other military 
stores. As he knew it would be in vain to attempt the conquest 
of Mexico unless he had the command of the lake, he gave orders 
to prepare in the forest of Tlascala, materials for building twelve 
brigantines, so as they might be carried in pieces ready to be put 
together, and launched when necessary. 

But while he was thus taking measures towards the execution 
of his design, an obstacle arose in a quarter where it was least 
expected. The spirit of discontent broke out in his own army. 
The followers of Narvaez bitterly repented their choice; happy 
in having made their escape in the perilous retreat from Mexico, 
trembled at the thoughts of being exposed a second time to simi- 
lar dangers. As soon as they discovered the intention of Cortes, 
they began secretly to murmur and cabal; and growing gradually 
more audacious, they in a body offered a remonstrance to their 
general, against the imprudence of attacking a powerful empire 
with his shattered forces; and formally required him to lead them 
back directly to Cuba. 

Cortes with all his skill in the arts of command ; neither argu- 
ment, entreaties or presents were sufficient to remove their fears: 
his own soldiers animated with the spirit of their leader, warmly 
seconded his endeavors, but all in vain : the utmost that he could 
effect, was to prevail with them to defer their departure, on a 
promise that he would, at a more proper time, dismiss such as 
should desire it. 

That the. malecontents mi°;ht be diverted from brooding over 



112 HISTORY OF 

the causes of their disaffection, he resolved instantly to call forth 
his troops into action. His first expedition was against the Tc- 
peacans, who had cutoff a small detachment of Spaniards, con- 
sisting mostly of the followers «f Narvacz, when marching; from 
Zempoalla to Mexico : another party had been destroyed in the 
mountains as they were returning from Tiascala to Vera Cruz., 
with the share of the Mexican gold allotted to the garrison. 
The desire of vengeance engaged them more willingly in this 
war. 

Cortes took the command in person, and in the space of a few 
weeks in several encounters, with great slaughter of the Tepea- 
cans, reduced that province to subjection. Thus, for several 
months he kept his troops constantly employed against the adja- 
cent provinces. His men thus accustomed to victory, resumed 
their former sense of their superiority; the Mexican power was 
weakened; and the Tlascalan warriors acquired the habit of 
acting iu conjunction with the Spaniards; the chiefs were de- 
lighted with seeing their country enriched with the spoils of their 
enemies, and were astonished overy day with fresh discoveries 
of the irresistable prowess of their new allies, and exerted every 
nerve to support them. 

The reinforcements that Cortes expected from the isles were 
now the chief object of his thoughts ; the aid of these, however, 
was distant and uncertain. But what neither his own sagacity 
nor power could have procured, he owed to a series of fortunate 
and unforeseen events. The governor of Cuba, who supposed the 
success of Narvaez was an infallible certainty, having sent two 
small ships after him with new instructions and a supply of men 
and military stores, the officer whom Cortes had appointed to 
command on the coast, artfully decoyed them into the harbour 
of Vera Cruz, seized the vessels, and "easily persuaded the sol- 
diers to follow the standard of a more able leader than him they 
w^ere destined to join. Soon after, three ships of more consider- 
able force, came into the harbour separately. These belonged to 
an armament fitted out by Francisco de Carey, governor of Ja- 
maica, who being possessed with the rage of discovery and con- 
quest, had long aimed at dividing the glory and gain of the Mex- 
ican empire, with Cortes. 

After a succession of disasters, they were compelled by fa- 
mine to venture, into Vera Cruz, and to cast themselves on the 
mercy of their countrymen; as if the spirit of revolt had been 
contagious to New Spain; these were easily persuaded to aban- 
don their old master, and enlist under Cortes. A ship about this 
time also arrived from Spain, fitted out by some merchants, with 
military stores, in hopes of a profitable market, in a country, the 
fame of whose opulence began to spread over Europe. Cortes ea- 
gerly purchased a cargo, which to him was invaluable, and the 



AMERICA. 115 

crew following the general example, joined him at Tlascala. It 
was a singular circumstance that the two persons chiefly instru- 
mental in furnishing him with those seasonable supplies, should 
be, one an avowed enemy who sought his destruction, and the 
other an envious rival, who wished to supplant him. 

The first effect of the junction with his new followers, was to 
dismiss such of Narvaez's soldiers* as remained witli reluctance 
in his service. After their departure, he still mustered five hun- 
dred and fifty infantry, forty horsemen, and a train of nine field 
pieces; at the head of these, accompanied by ten thousand Tlas- 
caians and other friendly Indians, Cortes on the twenty-eighth 
of December, 1520, began his march towards Mexico. The Mex- 
icans, however, were prepared to receive him. 

The chiefs of the empire, upon the death of Montezuma, in- 
s^vntly raised his brother Quetlavaca to the throne. He embraced 
the first opportunity of convincing them that he was worthy of 
their choice, by conducting in person those fierce attacks which 
compelled the Spaniards to abandon his capital. After their re- 
treat he took measures for preventing their return to Mexico. 
He saw the storm that was gathering; he therefore repaired what 
the Spaniards had destroyed in the city, and strengthened it 
with new fortifications : he filled his magazines with the usual 
weapons of war, and directed long spears to be made, headed 
with tha swords and daggers taken from the Spaniards, in order 
to anuoy the cavalry. He summoned the people in every pro- 
vince to take arms ; he also endeavoured to persuade the Tlas- 
calans, to withdraw their aid and friendship from those strangers 
who had given such mauifest indications of their enmity to their 
gods, and who would at last subject them to the same yoke they 
were endeavouring to impose upon others. 

These representations were urged with such force and solid 
reason, that it required all the address of Cortes to prevent their 
making a dangerous impression. But while the Mexican chief 
was forming his plan of defence, with great foresight, the small- 
pox, which the Spaniards had introduced into New Spain, put an 
end to his career. The Mexicans at his death, raised to the 
throne Gruatimozin^ nephew and son-in-law to Montezuma, a 
young man of high reputation for abilities and valour; and at this 
dangerous crisis, his countrymen with one voice called him to the 
supreme command. 

As Cortes entered the enemy's territories, he found various 
obstructions; but his troops forced their way with little difficulty, 
and took possession of Tezcuco, the second city of the empire, 
about twenty miles from Mexico. Here he established his head- 
quarters, it being a convenient station for launching his brigan- 
tines, and for making his approaches to tiie capital. 

The cazi^ue, or chief who presided there, he denosed, un 

K 2 



114 HISTORY OF 

pretext of some defect in his title, and put in his place, a person 
whom a taction of the nobles pointed out as the right heir to that 
dignity. By this artifice, the new cazique and his adherents, 
served the Spaniards with inviolable fidelity. Cortes having early 
discovered symptoms of disaffection in the cities round about 
Mexico, availed himself of this circumstance to gain their confi- 
dence and friendship. 

He offered with confidence to deliver them from the galling 
yoke of the Mexicans, and was very liberal of promises if they 
would unit* with him against their oppressors. By these arts he 
prevailed upon several considerable districts, not only to acknow- 
ledge the king of Castile for their sovereign, but to supply the 
Spanish camp with provisions, and to augment his army with aux- 
iliary troops. Guatimozin on the first appearance of disaffection 
among his subjects, exerted himself with vigour to prevent or 
punish their revolt. He beheld with deep concern, Cortes arm- 
ing against his empire, those yqij hands which ought to have 
been active in his defence, and ready to march against the capi- 
ta! at the head of a numerous body of his own subjects. 

While Cortes was thus circumscribing the Mexican power, a 
dangerous conspiracy had nearly ruined ail his schemes. The 
soldiers of Narvaez, who still lemained with him* had never per- 
fectly united with the original companions of Cortes, neither did 
they enter so cordially into his measures. And now on a near 
view of what they had to encounter, in attempting to reduce a 
city so inaccessible as Mexico and defended by a numerous 
army, their resolution began to fail. They now began to cabal 
and censure their general's measuies, and propose plans tor their 
own safety, of which they deemed their comma rider totally 
negligent. 

Antonio V'dlefagna. a private soldier, but bold, intriguing, and 
stronglv attached to Velasquez, artfully fomented this growing 
disaffection. His quarters became the rendezvous of the n » 
contents, where, after many consultations they agreed that their 
only remedy was. to assassinate Cortes and his most considerable 
officers, and conferring the command on some person who would 
relinquish his plans, and adopt measures which, in their opinion, 
were wore consistent with the general security. Despair in- 
spired them with courage. The hour for executing their design, 
the destined victims, and the officers to succeed them, were ail 
named. These resolutions were signed by the conspirators, who 
bound themselves to each other by the most solemn oaths to mu- 
tual fidelity. 

But on the evening before the appointed day, one of Cortes's an- 
cient followers, who hud been seduced, touched with compunc- 
tion at the imminent danger of a man whom he had been 'long ac- 
customed to revere, went privately to his general; and revealed 



AMERICA. 115 

to him all he knew. Cortes though deeply alarmed, repaired in- 
stantly to the quarters of Villefagna, accompanied by some of his 
most trusty officers. The astonishment at this unexpected visit, 
anticipated the confession of his guilt. While his attendants 
seized him, Cortes snatched from his bosom a paper containing 
the association, signed by tire conspirators. Impatient to know 
how far the defection extended, he retired to read it, and found 
in it names which filled him with surprize and sorrow. Policy- 
made him confine his inquiries to Villefagna alone, as the proofs 
of bis guilt were manifest. He was condemned, after a short 
trial, and next morning was seen hanging before the door of the 
house in which he had lodged. 

Cortes called his troops together, and having explained to them 
the attrocious designs of the conspirators, as well as the justice of 
the punishment of Villcfagna, he added with an appearance of 
satisfaction, that he was entirely ignorant of tho, other conspira- 
tors: as the traitor when arrested had suddenly torn and swal- 
1 a paper which probably gave an account of the conspiracy ; 
and could not be made, under the greatest tortures to discover his 
accomplices. This artful declaration restored tranquility to 
many a breast, that was throbbing with apprehension. 

Cortes did not allow them leisure to ruminate on what had hap- 
pened, but immediately called forth his troops to action. He had 
received intelligence that the materials for building the hrigaa- 
tines were ready. He therefore sent a convoy of two hundred 
foot s idiers, fifteen horsemen, and two field pieces, under the 
u oand of Sandoval, whose activity and courage was manifest- 
ed upon every occasion, and who had acquired the confidence 
not only of Cortes, but of his fellow-soldiers. The service was 
singular and important: the whole utensils, the beams, plank, 
masts, cordage, sails, iron-work, and an infinite variety of ar- 
ticles, were to be carried sixty miles over land, through a moun- 
tainous country, by people who were unacquainted with the aid 
of domestic animals, or the use of machines. 

The Tlascalans furnished for this purpose eight thousand Ta- 
inemes, an inferior order of men destined for servile uses, to car- 
ry the materials on their soldiers, and appointed fifteen thou- 
sand warriors to accompany and defend them. Sandoval placed 
the Tainemes in the centre, one body of warriors in the front, 
and another in the rear, with considerable parties to cover the 
flanks. To eac!» of these he joined some Spaniards to assist them 
in danger, and accustom them to regularity and subordination. 

A body so numerous and so encumbered; advanced but slowly, 
but in excellent order. In some places, where they were con- 
fined by woods or mountains, the line of march extended above 
six miles. Parties of Mexicans frequently appeared hovering 
a/ound them on the high grounds, hut perceiving that there was 



1 16 HISTORY OF 

no prospect of success in attacking an enemy always on his* 
guard, they cl 1 1 1 not venture to molest them. 

Sandoval had the glory of conducting safely to Tezcuco a 
convoy on which all the future operations of his countrymen 
depended. 

The joy occasioned by the safe arrival of the convoy was en- 
creased by the arrival of four ships from Hispaniola, with two 
hundred soldiers, eighty horses, two battering cannon, and a 
fresh supply of arms and ammunition. Elevated with this ad- 
ditional strength, Cortes was impatient to be^in the siege in 
form, and hastened the launching of the brigantines. 

He employed a vast number of Indians for two months in 
deepening a small creek that emptied into the lake, so as to form 
a canal two miles in length. The Mexicans aware of the danger 
that threatened them, endeavoured to interrupt the labourers, 
or to burn the brigantines, but in vain : the work was at last 
completed. On the twenty -eighth of April, 1521, all the Spanish 
troops, with the auxiliary Indians, were drawn up on the banks 
of the canal : and with great military pomp, rendered more 
solemn by the celebration of religious rites, the briganuues were 
launched. 

As they passed down the canal, father Olmedo blessed them, 
and gave to each a name. Every eye followed them with wonder 
and hope, until they entered the lake, when they hoisted their 
sails and bore away before the wind. 

A general shout of joy was raised; all admiring that bold in- 
ventive genius, which by means so extraordinary had acquired 
the comraand of a fleet, without the aid of which, Mexico would 
have set power and arms at defiance. 

Cortes prepared to attack the city from three different quar- 
ters, from Tezcuco on the east side of the Like. From Tacuba on 
the west, and from Cuyooan towards the south. These towns 
were situated on the principal causeways which led to the capi- 
tal, and intended for their defence. Sandoval commanded in 
the first, Pedro de Alvarado in the second, and Chnstoval de 
Olid in the third : alio ting to each a nur^ rous body of Indian 
auxiliaries, together with an equal division j'i Spaniards, who, by 
the junction of the troops from Hispaniola amounted to eighty six 
horsemen, and eight hundred and eighteen loot soldiers: of whom 
one hundred and eighteen were armed with muskets or crass 
bows. Their train of artillery was three battering cannon, and 
fifteen field pieces. He reserved for himself, as the station of the 
greatest importance and danger, the conduct of the brigantines, 
each armed with one of his small cannon, and manned with twen- 
ty-five Spaniards. 

As Alvarado and Olid proceeded to the posts assigned them, 
they broke down, the aqueducts which the Mexicans had erect:d 



AMERICA. 117 

to convey water into the capita), and was the beginning of the dis- 
tresses which the inhabitants were destined to suffer. The towns 
which they were ordered to take possession of, were deserted by 
the inhabitants, who had fled for safety to the capital, where 
Guatimozin had collected the chief force of his empire, as the 
only place where he could hope to make a successful stand 
against such formidable enemies, who were approaching to as- 
sault him. 

The first effort of the Mexicans was to destroy the brigantines, 
the fatal effects of whose operations they foresaw and dreaded. 
Necessity urged Guatimozin to hazard an attack : he assembled 
such a multitude of canoes as covered the face of the lake, hop- 
ing to overwhelm them with numbers. They rowed on boldly to 
the charge, while the brigantines retarded by a dead calm, could 
scarcely advance to meet them. But as the enemy drew near, 
a breeze suddenly sprung up, in a moment the sails were spread, 
and the brigantines, with irresistible impetuosity, broke through 
their feeble opponents; overset many of their canoes, and dis- 
persed the whole armament with such slaughter, as convinced 
the Mexicans, that their enemies were as formidable on this new 
element as they had found them on land, 

Cortes after this remained absolute master of the lake, and the 
brigantines preserved a communication between the Spaniards 
in their different stations, though at a considerable distance from 
each other, and at the same time covered the causeways, keep- 
ing off the canoes when they attempted to annoy the troops as 
they advanced towards the city. The Mexicans, in their own 
defence, displayed such valour as was hardly inferior to that with 
which the Spaniards attacked them. On land, on water, by night 
and by day, oih: furious conflict succeeded another. Several Spa- 
niards were killed, more wounded, and all were ready to sink 
under the toils of unremitting service, which had become intol- 
erable by the injuries of the season; the periodical rains having 
set in with tlfeiv usual violence. 

Cortes, astonished at the difficulties and length of the siege, 
determined to make one great effort to get possession of the city, 
before he reiinguished the plan which he had hitherto proposed. 
With this view he sent instructions to Alvarado and Sandoval, 
to advance with their divisions to a general assault, and took the 
command in person of that ported on the causeway of Cuyocan. 
Animated by his presence, and especang *;>me decisive event, 
the Spaniards pressed forward with irresistible impetuosity. 
They broke down one barricade after another, forced their way 
over the ditches and canals, and having entered the city, they 
gained ground incessantly, notwithstanding the multitude and 
ferocity of their enemies. 

Cortes, though delighted with the rapidity of his progress, did 



118 HISTORY OF 

not forget that he "might find it necessary to make a retreat ; and 
in order to secure it, appointed Julian de Alderete. a captain of 
chief note in the troops which he had received from Hispaniola, 
to fill up the canals and gaps, in the causeway, as the main body 
advanced. That officer "thinking it beneath him to be thus em- 
ployed, while his companions were in the heat of action, and in 
full career of victory, neglected the important charge, and hur- 
ried on to join his companions in arms. 

f The Mexicans, whose military skill was daily improving, no 
sooner observed this, than they carried an account of it to their 
monarch. Guatimozin instantly discerned the consequence of 
the error which the Spaniards had committed, and with admira- 
ble presence of mind, prepared to take advantage of it. He com- 
manded the troops posted in the front to slacken their efforts, 
that the Spaniards might be allured to push forwards, while he 
despatched a large body of chosen warriors through different 
streets, some by land, and others by water, towards the great 
breach in the causeway which had been left open. 

On a signal given, the priests in the principal temple, struck 
the great drum consecrated to the god of war. No sooner did 
the Mexicans hear its doleful solemn sound, calculated to inspire 
xnem v/im a Cvi.tewpt of death, than they rushed upoa the ene- 
my with frantic rage. The Spaniards unable to resist men 
urged on by religious fury, began to retire at first in good order; 
but, as the enemy pressed on, the terror and confusion became 
general ; so that when they arrived at the gap in the causeway, 
Spaniards and Tlascalans, horsemen and infantry, plunged in 
promiscuously, while the Mexicans rushed in uponthem fiercely 
from every side, their light canoes carrying them over shoals 
where the brigantines could not approach. In vain did Cortes 
attempt to rally his forces : fear rendered them regardless of his 
entreaties or commands. 

Finding all his endeavours to renew the combat fruitless, his 
next care was to save those who had thrown themselves into the 
water; but while he was thus employed with more attention to 
their situation than his own, six Mexican captains suddenly laid 
hold of him, and were hurrying him off in triumph ; and, though 
two of his officers rescued him at the expense of their lives, he 
received several dangerous wounds, before he could disengage 
himself. About sixty Spaniards perished in this encounter : and 
what rendered the disaster still more afflicting, forty of these fell 
alive into the hands of the enemy never known to" shew mercy 
to a captive. 

Night, though it delivered the Spaniards from the attacks of 
the enemy, ushered in what was no less grievous: the noise of 
their barbarous triiynph, and the horrid festivals with which they 
celebrated thejr victory. Every quarter of the city was illumi* 



AMERICA. 119 

natcd : the great temple shone with peculiar splendour; so that 
the Spaniards could plainly see the people in motion, and the 
priests busy in hastening the death of the prisoners. They fan- 
cied they could discover their companions by the whiteness of 
their skins, as they were stripped naked to dance before the image 
of the god, to whom they were offered. 

They heard the shrieks of those who were sacrificed and 
thought they could distinguish each unhappy victim by the sound 
of his voice. Imagination added to, and augmented the borrow. 
The most unfeeling mehed into tears of compassion, and the stout- 
est heart trembled at the dreadful spectacle which they beheld. 

Cortes, who felt in common with his soldiers, was oppressed 
with an additional load of anxious reflections., natural to a general 
on such an unexpected calamity ; he could not like them, relieve 
his mind by giving vent to its anguish. He was obliged to assume 
an air of tranquility, in order to revive the drooping spirits and 
hopes of his followers. The juncture, indeed, required an extra- 
ordinary exertion of courage. 

The Mexicans elated with their victory, sallied out next morn- 
ing to attack him in his quarters. But they did not rely on the 
efforts of their own arms alone. They sent the heads of the 
Spaniards whom they ha 1 sacrificed, to the leading men in the 
adjacent provinces, and assured them that the god of war, ap- 
peased by the blood of the invaders, which had been shed so plen- 
tifully on his altars, had declared, with an audible voice, that in 
eight, days time, those hated enemies should be finally destroyed, 
and peace and prosperity established in the empire. 

This prediction being uttered without any ambiguity, gained 
universal credit among the natives; several of the provinces, 
which had hitherto remained inactive, took up arms with enthusi- 
astic ardour; even the Tlascalans were led to relax in their fideli- 
ty, and Cortes and his Spaniards were almost left alone in their 
isolations. Cortes, finding that he in vain attempted to dispel the 
superstitious fears of his confederates, took advantage of the im- 
prudence of those who had framed the prophecy, in fixing its ac- 
complishment so near at hand, to^ive them a striking demonstrat- 
ion of its falsity. He suspended ait military operations during 
the period marked out by the oracle; and, under cover of the 
brigan tines, his troops lay in safety : the enemy was kept at a 
distance, and the fa al term expired without any disasfer. 

His allies, ashamed of their own credulity, returned to their 
station. Other tribes now veered about, from a belief that the 
gods had deceived the Mexicans-, and had decreed finally to 
withdraw their protection from them; such was the levity of 
this simple race of men. 

In a short time, according to the aceount of Cortes, he was at 
the head of a hundred and tilt y thousand Indians. Notwithstand- 



HO HISTORY OF 

ing this large addition of strength, he found it necessary to adopt 
a more wary system of operations. He now made his advances 
gradually, and was more cautions of exposing his men to similar 
calamities which they still bewailed. 

As soon as they got possession of any part of the town, the 
houses were instantly destroyed. Famine now began to rage 
amongst the Mexicans: the brigantines prevented all supplies 
coming to their relief by water, and the Indian auxilaries enabled 
Cortes to shut up the avenues of the city; not only the common 
people, but persons of the highest rank felt the utmost distresses 
of v\ant. These sufferings were succeeded by infectious and 
mortal distempers : the last calamity that visits besieged cities, 
and which filled up the measure of their woes. 

Guatimozin notwithstanding all these various and pressing 
evils, remained firm and unsubdued. He rejected with scoiai 
every overture of peace with Cortes; disdaining the idea of sub- 
mitting to the oppressors of his country, and was determined not 
to survive its rum. The Spaniards at length with all their divi- 
sions made a secure lodgement in the centre of the city. Three 
fourths were now laid in ruins. The remaining quarter was so- 
closely pressed that it could not long withstand assailants, v ho 
now attacked them with superior advantage, and a more assured 
prospect of success. 

The Mexican nobles, solicitous to save the life of a monarch 
whom they revered, prevailed on Guatimozin to retire front a 
place, where resistance was now in vain; that he might rouse 
the more distant provinces, and maintain there a more successful 
war, with the public enemy. To facilitate the execution of this 
measure, thej sought to gain time by endeavouring to amuse 
Cortes with overtures of peace. But they made this attempt 
upon a leader of greater sagacity and discernment than to be 
deceived by their arts, Cortes suspecting their intention, and 
aware of what moment it was best to defeat it, appointed San- 
doval, on whose vigilance lie could most perfectly rely, to take 
the command of the bngantines, with strict injunctions to watch 
every motion of die enemy. 

Sandoval, attentive to the charge, observing some large canoes 
crowded with people, rowing across the lake, with uncommon ra- 
pidity, instantly gave a signal to chace. Garcia Hoiguin who 
commanded the fleetest brigantine, soon overtook them, and was 
preparing to fire on the foremost canoe, which seemed to carry 
some person whom all the rest followed and obeyed. At once the 
rov. ers dropped their oars, and throwing down their arms, coh- 
jundbim with cries and tears to forbear, as the emperor was 
there, jtlol^uih eagerly seized his prize, and Guatimozin with a 
dignified composure gave himself up into lis ham's, requesting 
only that no insult might be offered to the empress or his chi idre n. 



AMERICA. 1£1 

When conducted to Cortes, he appeared worthy of a betterfate : 
he discovered none of the sullen fierceness of the babarian, nor 
the dejection of a supplicant. " I have done," said he, address- 
ing himself to the Spanish general, " what became a monarch; I 
" have defended my people to the last extremity: nothing now 
" remains but to die :....take this dagger," laying his hand on one 
Cortes wore, "plant it in ray breast, and put an end to a life 
" that can no longer be of use." 

As soon as the fate of their sovereign was known, all resistance 
on the part of the Mexicans ceased; and Cortes took possession 
of the remaining part of the city. Thus terminated the siege of 
Mexico, the most memorable event in the conquest of America. 
It continued seventy -five days, not one of which passed without 
some extraordinary effort of one party in attacking, or of the 
other in defending, a city, on the fate of which both parties knew 
that of the empire depended As the struggle here was more ob- 
stinate, it was likewise more equal, than any between the in- 
habitants of the Old and New Worlds. 

The great abilities of Guatimozin, the number of his troops, the 
peculiar situation of his capital, so far counterbalanced the supe- 
riority of the Spaniards in arms and discipline, that they must 
have relinquished the enterprize if they had trusted to themselves 
alone. But Mexico was overturned by the jealousy of neighbours, 
who dreaded its power, and by the revolt of subjects impatient to 
throw off the yoke. By their effectual aid Cortes was enabled to 
accomplish what, without such support, he would hardly have 
ventured to attempt. Great merit is due to the abilities of Cortes, 
who under every disadvantage, acquired such an ascendency over 
unknown nations, as to render them instruments towards carry- 
ing his schemes into execution. 

The exultation of the Spaniards, on accomplishing this arduous 
enterprize was at first excessive. But this was quickly damped 
by the disappointment of thnse sanguine hopes, which had ani- 
mated th^rn amidst so manv hardships and dangers. Instead of the 
inexhaustible wealth which they expected from becoming masters^ 
of Montezuma's treasures, and the ornaments of so many temples, 
they could only collect an inconsiderable booty, amidst ruins and 
desolation. According to the account of Cortes, the whole 
amount was only (20,000 pesos, a sum far inferior to that which 
the Spaniards had formerly divided in Mexico. This sum, when 
divided among the conquerors, was so small, that many of them 
disdained the pittance that fell to f heir share, 

Guatimozin aware of his impending fate, had ordered what 
had remained of the riches amassed by his ancestors, to be thrown 
into the lake. Cortes, from an anxious desire to check the grow- 
ing discontant among his followers, gave way to a deed which 
stained the glory of all his great actions. With out ^regardi»£f<rie 



122 HISTORY OF 

former dignity of Guatimozin, or feeling any reverence for those 
virtues which he had displaced, he subjected the unhappy mo- 
narch, together with his chief favourite, to torture, in wafer to 
enforce them to a discovery of the royal treasures, which it was 
supposed they had concealed. Guatimozin hore whatever the 
refined cruelty of his tormentors could inflict with invincible 
fortitude. , 

His fellow sufferer overcome by the violence of the anguish, 
turned a dejected inquiring eye towards his master, and seemed 
to implore his permission to reveal all that he knew. But the 
high spirited prince, darting on him a look of authority, mingled 
with scorn, checked his weakness by asking, ".Am I now re- 
posing on a bed of flowers ?" Overawed by the reproach, he per- 
severed in his dutiful silence, and expired. Cortes ashamed of a 
scene so horrid, rescued the royal victim from the hands of his 
torturers, and prolonged a life reserved for new indignities and 
sufferings. 

The provinces now submitted to the conquerors. Small de- 
tachments of Spaniards marched through them, without inter- 
ruption, and penetrated in different quarters, to the great south- 
ern ocean which, according to the ideas of Columbus, they ima- 
gined would open a short and easy passage to the East Indies. 

The active mind of Cortes began a! ready to form schemes for 
attempting; this important discovery. He was ignorant that this 
very scheme had been undertaken and accomplished, during the 
progress of his victorious arms in Mexico. 

Ferdinand Magellan, a Portuguese gentleman of honourable 
birth, having received ill treatment from his general and sove- 
reign, in a transport of resentment formally renounced his alle- 
giance to an ungrateful master, and fled to the court of Castile, in 
hopes that his worth would be more justly estimated. He revived 
Columbus's original and favourite project, of discovering a pas- 
sage to India by a western course. Cardinal Xime.nes listened to it 
with a most favourable ear. Charles V, on his arrival in his &pa- 
•nish dominions entered into the measure with no less ardour, and 
orders were issued for equipping a proper squadron at the public 
charge, of which the command was given to Magellan, vVhoro the 
king honoured with the habit of St. Jago, and the ritle of captain- 
general. 

On the tenth of August, 1519, Magellan sailed from Seville, 
with live ships, which were deemed at that time of considerable 
force; though the largest of them did not exceed one hundred 
and twenty tons burden : the crew of the whole amounted to two 
hundred and thirty-four men, including some of the most skilful 
pilots in Spain, and several Portuguese sailors, in whom Magel- 
lan placed the most confidence. 

Alter touching at the^ Canaries, he stood directly south, to 



AMERICA. 123 

wards the equinoctial line alon<* the coast of America. He did 
not reach 'the river de la Plata till the twelfth of January, 1520. 
That spacious body of water allured him to enter into it, but 
after sailing for some days he concluded, from the shallowness of " 
the stream, and its freshness, that the wished for straight was not 
situated there. 

On the thirty- first of March he arrived at the port of St, Julian, 
at about forty-eight degrees of south latitude, where he resolved 
to winter. In^his uncomfortable station he lost one of his squad- 
ron, and the Spaniards suffered so much from the inclemency of 
the climate, that the crews o$three of the ships, headed by their 
officers, rose in open mutiny, and insisted on relinquishing the vi- 
sionary project of a desperate adventurer, and returning directly 
to Spain. This dangerous insurrection Magellan wisely suppres- 
sed, by an effort of courage no less prompt than intrepid: and 
inflicted exemplary punishment on the ringleaders. With th^ 
remainder of his followers, overawed hut not reconciled to his 
scheme, he continued his voyage toward the south, and at length 
discovered near the fifty-third degree of latitude, the mouth of a 
strait, into which he entered, notwithstanding the murmurs of th© 
people under his command. 

After sailing twenty days in that winding and dangerous chan- 
nel, to which he gave his own name, and where one of his ships 
deserted him, the great southern ocean opened to his view; and 
with tears of joy, he returned thanks to heaven, for having thus 
far crowned his endeavours with success. He continued to sail 
in a north west direction three months and twenty days, without 
discovering land ; in this voyage, the longest that had ever been 
made in the unbounded ocean, he suffered incredible distress. 
His stock of provisions was almost exhausted, the water became 
putrid, the men were reduced to the shortest allowance, with 
which it was possible to sustain life: and the scurvy began to 
spread among them. One circumstance alone afforded consola- 
tion. They enjoyed an uninterrupted succession of fair weather, 
with such favourable winds, that Magellan bestowed on that ocean 
the name of Pacific, which it still retains. 

They would have soon sunk under their sufferings, had they not 
discovered and fell in with a cluster of islands, whose fertility 
afforded them refreshments in such abundance, that their health 
was soon re-established. From these isles, to which he gave the 
name of De los Ladrones, he proceeded on his voyage, and soon 
made a more important discovery of the islands now known by 
the name of the Philippines ; in one of these he got into an unfor- 
tunate quarrel with the natives, who attacked him with a nu- 
merous body of troops well armed; and while he fought at the 
head of his men with his usual valour, he fell by the hands of 
those barbarians, together with several of his principal officers, 



124 HISTORY OF 

Other officers took the command, and after touching at several 
other islands in the Indian ocean, they at length landed atTidore 
one of the Moluacas, to the astonishment of the Portuguese, who 
could not comprehend how the Spaniards, by holding a westerly 
course, had arrived at that sequestered seat of their valuable 
commerce, which they had discovered by sailing in an opposite 
direction. 

There, and in the adjacent isles, they found a people acquaint- 
ed with the benefit of trade, and pleased with opening an inter- 
course with a new nation. They took in a cargo of valuable 
spices, with that and other specimens of rich commodities which 
they had collected from other countries, they loaded the Victory, 
which of the two ships that remained, was the most fit for a long 
voyage, and set sail for Spain, under the command of Juan Sebas- 
tian del Cano. He followed the course of the Portuguese by the 
cape of Good Hope ; and after many sufferings, he arrived at St. 
Lucar on the seventh of September, 1522, having sailed round 
the globe in the space of three years and twenty-eight days. 

To return to the transaction of New Spain : At the time that 
Cortes was acquiring such vast territories, for his sovereign, and 
preparing the way for future conquests, it was his singular fate, 
not only to be destitute of any commission or authority from the 
sovereign whom he served with such successful zeal, but was re- 
garded as an undutiful seditious subject. By the influence of Fon- 
seca, bishop of Burgos, his conduct, in assuming the government 
«f New Spain, was declared to be an irregular usurpation, in 
contempt of the royal authority; and Christoval de Tapia was 
commissioned to supercede Cortes, to seize his person, confiscate 
his effects, make a strict scrutiny into his proceedings, and trans- 
mit the result of his inquiries to the court of the Indies, of which 
the bishop of Burgos was president. Tapia landed a few weeks 
after the reduction of Mexico, at Vera Cruz, with the royal man- 
date to divest its conqueror of his power, and treat him as a 
criminal. 

But Fonseca had chosen a very improper person to wreak his 
vengeance on Cortes. Tapia had neither the reputation, nor the 
talents, that suited the high command to which he had been ap- 
pointed. Cortes, while he publicly expressed the highest vene- 
ration for the emperor's authority, secretly took measures to de- 
feat the effect of his commission : and having involved Tapia and 
his followers in a multiplicity of conferences and negociations, 
sometimes making use of threats, but more frequently employing 
bribes and promises, he at length prevailed on that weak man to 
abandon a province he was unworthy of governing. But Cortes 
was so sensible of the precarious tenure by which he held his pow- 
er, that he despatched deputies to Spain with a pompous account 
of the success of his arms, with further specimens of the produc- 



& 



AMERICA. 125 

tions of the country, and with rich presents to the emperor, as 
the earnest of future contributions from his new conquest; re- 
questing as a recompense for all his services, the approbation of 
his proceedings, and that he misjht be entrusted with the govern- 
ment of those territories which his conduct, and the valour of 
his followers, had added to the crown of Castile. 

The account of Cortes's victories filled his countrymen with 
ad juration. The publie voice declared loudly in favour of his pre- 
tensions, and Charles adopted the sentiments of his subjects with 
a youthful ardour. Ke appointed him captain-general and gover- 
nor of New Spain. 

It was not, however, without difficulty that the Mexican em- 
pire could be entirely reduced into the form of a Spanish colony. 
Enraged and rendered desperate by oppression, the natives often 
forgot the superiority of their enemies; and took up arms in de- 
fence of their liberties. In every contest however, the European 
valour and discipline prevailed. But fatally for the honour of 
their country, the Spaniards sullied the glory redounding from 
their repeated victories, by their mode of treating the vanquished. 

In almost every province of the Mexican empire, the progress 
of the Spanish arms is marked with blood, and with deeds so atro- 
cious, as disgrace the enterprising valour that conducted them to 
success. In the province of Panuco, sixty caziques or chiefs, and 
four hundred nobles, were burnt at one time. Nor was this 
shocking barbarity committed in any sudden effect of rage, or by 
a commander of inferior note ; it was the act of Sandoval, who 
was entitled to the second rank in the annals of New Spain, ex- 
ecuted after a solemn consultation with Cortes : and to complete 
the horror of the scene, the children and relations of the victims 
were compelled to be spectators of their dying agonies. This 
dreadful example of severity, was followed by another which af • 
fected the Mexicans still more sensibly. On a slight suspicion, 
con firmed by very imperfect evidence, Guafimozin was charged 
with attempting to throw off the yoke, and to excite his former 
subjects to take up arms. Cortes, without the formality of a tri- 
al, ordered the unhappy monarch, together with the caziques of 
Tezeuc > and Tacuba, two persons of the greatest eminence, next 
to the emperor to be hanged; and the Slexicans with astonish- 
ment beheld this ign minious punishment inflicted upon persons, 
whom they had been accustomed to look up to with a reve- 
rence, little inferior to that which they pay to the gods them- 
selves. 

When Charles V. advanced Cortes to the government of New 
Spain, he at the same time appointed commissioners to receive 
and administer the royal revenue there. These men were aston- 
ished, when arriving in Mexico, at thehigjh authority which Cor- 
tes exercised. In their letters they represented Cortes as aaam- 

L 2 



\2G HISTORY OF 

bitious tyrant, who having usurped a jurisdiction superior to law, 
aimed at independence. These insinuations made such deep im- 
pression in the mind of the Spanish ministers, that unmindful of 
the past services of Cortes, they infused (he same suspicions into 
the mind of Charles, and prevailed on him to order a solemn in- 
quest to be made into his conduct, with powers to the licentiate, 
Ponce de Leon, entrusted with that commission, to seize his per- 
son, if expedient, and send him prisoner to Spain. 

The sudden death of Ponce de Leon, which happened soon 
after his arrival in New Spain, prevented the execution of this 
commission. Cortes beheld the approaching crisis of his fortune, 
with all the violent emotions natural to a haughty mind, conscious 
of high desert, and receiving; unworthy treatment. His old faith- 
ful followers, stung with resentment, advised him to seize that 
power, which the courtiers were so mean as to accuse him of 
coveting 

Actuated by sentiments of loyalty, lie rejected the dangerous 
advice, and repaired directly to Spain ; choosing rather to com- 
mit himself and his cause to the justice of his sovereign, than 
submit to be tried in a country, where he had the chief com- 
mand, and by a set of interested and partial judges. 

In the year 1528, Cortes appeared in his native country, with 
the splendour that suited the conqueror of a mighty kingdom. He 
brought with him a great part of his wealth, many jewels and or- 
naments of great value, and was attended by some Mexicans of 
the first rank, as well as by the most considerable of his own offi- 
cers. His arrival in Spain, removed at once every suspicion. The 
emperor received him as a person entitled to high respect, for the 
eminence of his services. The order of St. Jago, the title of 
Marquis del Valie de Guaxaca, the grant of a vast territory in 
"New Spain, were successively bestowed upon him ; and he was 
admitted to the same familiar intercourse with the emperor, as 
noblemen of the first rank. But amidst these external proofs of 
regard, some symptoms of remaining distrust appeared. Al- 
though he earnestly solicited to he reinstated in the government 
of New Spain, Charles peremtorily refused to grant his request. 
The military department, with power to attempt new discoveries, 
was left in his hands : with this diminished authority he returned 
to New Spain. Antonio de Mendoza was sent thither with the 
title of viceroy. Cortes fitted out several small squadrons, and 
sent them into the South Sea to make discoveries, which either 
perished in the attempt, or returned unsuccessful. Cortes, wea- 
ry of entrusting his operations to others, in the year 1556, took 
the command of a new armament, and. after enduring incredible 
hardships, he discovered the large peninsula of California, and 
surveyed the greater part of the gulph which separates it from 
New Spain,, The discovery of a, country of such extent, would 



AMERICA. 127 

have reflected credit on a common adventurer, but could add 
little new honour to the name of Cortes. Disgusted with ill suc- 
cess, and weary ofcontending wiih adversaries, to whom he con- 
sidered it a disgrace to be opposed, he once more sought for re- 
dress in his native country. His fate there was the same with that 
of all the per sobs who had distinguished themselves in the disco- 
very of the New World ; envied by his contemporaries, and ill- 
requited bv the court which he served, he ended his days on the 
second of December, 1547, in the sixty-second jear of his age. 



.'&'<&*»< 



HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



BOOK III. 

HAVING related in my last book the splendid achievements 
of Cortes and his followers, and the subjugation of the Mexican 
empire, it now remains to close the history of South America 
with the conquest of Peru. The chief actors in this undertaking 
were Francisco Pizarro, Diego de Almagro, and Hernando de 
Lurjue. 

Pizarro was the natural son of a gentleman, by an illicit amour 
with a woman of very low birth; and as it frequently happens to 
the offspring of unlawful love, he was neglected by the author of 
his birth, who was so unnatural as to set him, when arriving at 
the years of manhood, to feed his hogs. Young Pizarro could not 
long brook such an ignoble occupation. His aspiring mind thirst- 
ed after military glory, and he enlisted as a soldier; and after 
serving some years in Italy, embarked for \merica, where he 
soon distinguished himself. Wish a courage no less daring, than 
the constitution of his body was robust, he was foremost in every 
danger, and endured the greatest hardships. Though he was so 
illiterate that he could not read, he was considered as a man 
formed to command. Every expedition committed to his con- 
duct, proved successful; he was as cautious in executing, as bold 
in forming, his plans. Engaging early in active life, without any 
resource but his own talents and industry, and by depending upon 
himself to emerge from obscurity, he acquired such a perfect 



128 HISTORY OF 

knowledge of affairs, and of men, that he was qualified to conduct 
the one, and govern the other. 

Almagro had as little to boast of his descent. The one was a 
bastard, the other a foundling. Educated like his companion, in 
the camp, he was equally intrepid, of insurmountable constancy, 
in enduring; those hardships which were inseparable from military 
service in the New World. Rut in Almagro these splendid ac- 
complishments were joined to an openness, generosity and can- 
dour, natural to men who profess the military art. In Pizarro, 
they were united with the address, the craft, and the dissimula- 
tion of a politician; he had the art to conceal his own purposes, 
and sagacity to penetrate into those of other men. 

Hernando de Luque was. an ecclesiastic, who acted both as 
priest and school-master at Panama, and who had amassed riches 
that inspired him with thoughts of rising to greater eminence. 
Such were the men who eventually overturned one of the most 
extensive empires recorded in history. 

Their confederacy was authorized by Pedrarias, the governor 
of Panama, and was confirmed by the most solemn act of religion. 
Luque celebrated mass, divided a consecrated host into three 
parts, of which each had his portion ; and thus in the name of the 
Prince of Peace, ratified a contract, of which plunder and blood- 
shed were the objects. 

Pizarro set sail from Panama on the fourteenth of November, 
1524, with one single vessel, and an hundred and twenty men. 
Almagro was to conduct the supplies of provisions and reinforce- 
ments of troops, and Luque was to remain at Panama to negoci- 
ate with the governor and promote the general interest. Pizarro 
had chosen the most improper time of the whole year; the period- 
ical winds at that time set in, and were directly adverse to tl>c 
course he proposed to steer. After beating about for seventy 
days, his progress towards the southeast was no more than what 
a skilful navigator will make in as many hours. 

Przan o notwithstanding his suffering incredible hardships from 
famine, fatigue, and the hostility of the natives where he landed, 
but above all* the distempers incident to a moist sultry climate, 
which proved fatal to several of his men : yet his resolution re- 
mained undaunted, and he endeavoured by every persuasive art 
to reanimate their desponding hopes. At length he was obliged 
to abandon the inhospitable coast of Terra Firma, and retire to 
Chueama, opposite to the pearl islands, where he hoped to re- 
ceive a supply of provisions and troops from Panama. Almagro 
soon alter followed him with severity men, and landing them on 
the continent, where he had hoped to meet with his associate, was 
repulsed by the Indians, in which conflict he lost one of his eyes 
by the wound of an arrow: they likewise were compelled to re- 
embark, and chance directed them to the place ofi Pizarrtf's re 



AMERICA, 129 

treat, where they found some consolation in recounting to each 
other their sufferings. Notwithstanding all they had suffered, 
they were inflexibly bent to pursue their original intention. Al- 
magro repaired to Panama, in hopes of recruiting their shattered 
troops; but his countrymen, discouraged at the reiital of the 
sufferings he and Pizarrohad sustained, were not to be persuaded 
to engage in such hard service. The most that he could muster 
was about fourscore men. Feeble as this reinforcement was, 
they did not hesitate about resuming their operations. 

After a long series of disasters, part of the armament reached 
the bay of St. Matthew on the coast of Quito, and landed at Ta- 
camez to the south of the river of Emeralds, and beheld a coun- 
try more fertile than any they had yet discovered on the Southern 
Ocean ; the natives were clad in garments of woolen, or cotten 
stuff, and adorned with trinkets of gold and silver. Pizarro and 
Almagro, however, were unwilling to invade a country so popu- 
lous, with a handful of men enfeebled by diseases and fatigue. 

Almagro met with an unfavourable reception from Pedro de los 
Rios, who had succeeded Pedrarias in the government of Pana- 
ma. After weighing the matter with that cold economical pru- 
dence esteemed the first of all virtues, by persons of limited fa- 
culties, incapable of conceiving or executing great designs, he 
concluded the expedition detrimental to an infant colony ; pro- 
hibited the raising new levies, and despatched a vessel to bring 
home Pizarro and his companions from the island of Gallo. 

Almagro and Luque deeply affected with these measures, com- 
municated their sentiments privately to Pizarro, requesting him 
not to relinquish an enterprize on which all their hopes depend- 
ed, as the means of re-establishing their reputation and fortune. 
Pizarro 's mind, inflexibly bent on all its pursuits, required no in- 
centive to persist in the scheme. He peremptorily refused to obey 
the governor of Panama's orders, and employed all his address 
and eloquence in persuading his men not to abandon him. But 
the thoughts of revisiting their families and friends, after so long 
an absence, and suffering such incredible hardships, rushed with 
such joy into their minds, that when Pizarro drew a line upon the 
sand with his sword, permitting such as wished to return home to 
pass over it, only thirteen daring veterans remained with their 
commander. This small, but determined band, whose names the 
Spanish historians record with deserved praise, as the persons to 
whose persevering fortitude their country is indebted for the most 
valuable of all its American possessions, fixed their residence in 
the island of Gorgona, where they determined to wait for sup- 
plies fr >m Panama, which they trusted their associates there 
would eventually procure. 

Almi^ro and L jque were not inattentive or cold solicitors, 
and their incessant importunity was seconded by the general 



130 HISTORY OF 

voice of the people, who exclaimed loudly against the infamy of 
exposing brave men, engaged in the public service, charged with 
no error, but what flowed from an excess of zeal and courage. 
The governor, overcome with entreaties and expostulations, at 
last consented to send a small vessel to their relief But unwill- 
ing to encourage Pizarro in any new enterprize, he would not 
permit one land-man to embark on board it. 

Pizarro and his companions had remained at this time live 
months on an island in the most unhealthy climate in the region 
of America: during which period, they were buoyed up with 
hopes of succours from Panama ; till worn out with fruitless ex- 
pectations, they in despair came to a resolution of committing 
themselves to the ocean on a float; but on the arrival of the ves- 
sel from Panama, they were transported with such joy, that all 
their sufferings were forgotten. Pizarro easily induced them to 
resume their former scheme with fresh ardour, Instead of re 
turning to Panama, they stood towards the south-east, when on 
the twentieth day after their departure, they discovered the 
coast of Peru. 

They landed in 1526, at Tumbez, a place of some note, distin- 
guished for its stately temple, and a palace of the Ineas or sove- 
reigns of the country. There the Spaniards feasted their eyes 
with the first view of the opulence and civilization of the Peru- 
vian empire : a country fully peopled and cultivated with an ap- 
pearance of regular industry : the natives decently clothed, in- 
genious, and so far surpassing the other natives of the New 
World, as to have the use of tame domestic animals. But their 
notice was most pleasingly attracted with the show of gold and 
silver, which not only appeared as ornaments on their persons, 
and temples, but several of their vessels for common use were 
made of those precious metals. Pizarro and his companions 
seemed now to have attained the completion of their most san- 
guine hopes, and concluded all their wishes and dreams of inex- 
haustible treasures, would soon be realized. 

It was, however, impracticable for Pizarro, with such a slen- 
der force to make any progress in subjugating a country so popu- 
lous, and of which he hoped hereafter to take possession. He 
ranged, however, along the coast, maintaining a friendly inter- 
course with the natives, who were no less astonished at their 
new visitants, than the Spaniards were with the uniform ap- 
pearance of opulence and cultivation which they beheld. 

Having explored the country as far as was requisite to ascer 
tain the importance of the discovery, Pizarro procured from the 
inhabitants some of their Linvts or tame cattle, to which the Spa- 
niards gave the name of sheep; some vessels of gold and silver, 
as well as some specimens of their other works ot ingenuity, and 
two young men, whom he proposed to instruct in the Spanish Ian 



AMERICA. 131 

guage, that they might serve as interpreters in the expedition 
which he meditated. With these he arrived at Panama. Yet 
neither the splendid relation which he and his associates gave of 
the incredible opulence of the country ifchich he had discovered, 
nor the bitter complaints he made on account of the unseasonable 
recall of his forces, which had put it out. of his power to make a 
settlement there, could move the governor to swerve from his 
former purpose. His coldness, however, did not in any degree 
aJate the ardour of the three associates: they therefore deter- 
mined to solicit their sovereign to grant that permission which 
was refused by his delegate. 

With this view, after adjusting among themselves that Pizar- 
ro should claim the elation of governor. Almagro that of lieuten- 
ant governor, and Luque the dignity ef bishop, in the country 
which they proposed to conquer, they sent Pizarro as their agent 
to Spain. 

Pizarro lost no time in repairing to court : he appeared before 
the emperor with the unembarrassed dignity of a man conscious 
of what his services merited ; and he conducted his negociations 
with such dexterity and address, which could not have been ex- 
pected from liis education or former habits of life. His descrip- 
tion of his own sullerin^s, and pompous account of the eountry 
which he had discovered, confirmed by the specimens he had 
brought made such an impression on Charles, and his ministers, 
■'that they not only approved of the intended expeditien, but seem- 
ed to be interested in the success of its leader. Presuming upon 
those favourable dispositions, Pizarro paid little attention to the 
interest, of his associates, But as the pretensions of Luque did not 
interfere with his own, he obtained for him the ecclesiastical dig- 
nity to which he aspired. For Almagro he claimed only the 
command of a fortress, intended to be erected at Tumbez. To 
himself he secured whatever his boundless -ambition could desire. 
He was appointed governor, captain-general, and Adeiantado of 
all the country which he had discovered, and hoped to conquer; 
with supreme authority, civil as well as military, and an absolute 
right to all the privileges and emoluments, usually granted to ad- 
venturers in the New World. His jurisdiction was declared to 
extend two hundred leagues along the coast, south of the river 
St. Jago ; to be independent of the governor of Panama : and he 
had power to nominate all the officers who were to serve under 
him. 

In return for these concessions, Pizarro engaged to raise two 
hundred and fifty men, and to provide the ships, arms, and war- 
dike stores, requisite towards subjecting to the crown of Castife, 
the country of which the government was allotted him. Pizarro's 
funds were so low, that he could not complete more than half the 
stipulated number : after he had received his patents from the 



IS* HISTORY OF 

crown, be was obliged to steal away privately, out of the port of 
Seville, in older to elude the scrutiny of the officers who had in 
charged to eiatflifte whether he had fuelled the stipulations of his 
feontriafet! before his departure, however, Cortes who had re 
turned to Spain about this tune, advanced him a supply of money, 
willing to contribute his aid towards enabling an ancient com- 
panion, with whose talents and courage he was well acquainted, 
to begin a career of glory, similar to that which he himself had 
finished. 

He landed at Nombre de Dios, in 159,% and marched across 
the isthmus to Panama, accompanied by his three brothers, Fer- 
dinand, Juan, and Gonzalo. Of whom the first was born of 
lawful wedlock, the two others, like himself, were of illegiti- 
mate birth ; and by Francisco his mothers brother. They were 
all in the prime of life, and of such abilities and courage, as fitted 
them to take a distinguished part in his subsequent transactions. 
Pizarro found Almagro so much exasperated at the manner in 
which he had conducted the negotiation, that he not only refused 
to act any longer, in concert with a man, by whose perfidy he had 
been deprived of the honours and emoluments to which he had a 
just claim, but laboured to thwart all his schemes, and rival him 
in his discoveries. 

Pizarro, however, had more wisdom and address than to suffer 
a rupture so fatal to all his schemes, to become irreparable. By 
offering voluntarily to relinquish the office of Adelantado, and 
promising \o concur in soliciting that title, with an independent 
government for Almagro. he gradually mitigated the rage of an 
open hearted soldier, which had been violent, but not implacable. 
Luque, highly satisfied with having been successful in all his 
own pretensions, zealously seconded Pizarro's endeavours. A 
reconciliation was effected; and the confederacy renewed on its 
original terms. 

Notwithstanding their re-union, their interest was barely suffi- 
cient to equip three small vessels; on board of these shipped 1 
only one hundred and eighty soldiers : thirtv-six of whom were 
horsemen. Pizarro with this contemptible force, set sail to in- 
vade a great empire. Almagro was left at Panama, as for- 
merly, to follow him with what reinforcements he could procure. 
Pizarro completed the voyage in thirteen days, but was carried 
by the winds and currents Soove a hundred leagues north of 
Tumbez, the place of his destination, and was obliged to land 
his troops in the bay of St. Matthew. Without losing a moment, 
he began to advance towards the south, taking care, however, 
not to depart from the sea shore, that he might effect a junction 
with the supplies he expected from Panama. 

Pizarro in attacking the natives when he ought to obtain their 
confidence, subjected himself and his followers to many calami- 



AMERICA. 133 

ties; such as famine, fatigues, and diseases of various kinds, 
hardly inferior to those which they had endured in their former 
expedition. These disasters corresponded so ill with the alluring 
prospect of the country given by Pizarro, that many began to re- 
proach him, and every soldier must have become cold to the 
service, had they not met with some appearances of wealth, 
which seemed to justify the reports of their leader. At length 
they reached the province of Coaque, the fourteenth of April, 
1531, and having surprized the principal settlement of the na- 
tives, they seized the vessels and ornaments of gold and silver, 
valued at thirty thousand pesos, with other booty of such value, 
as dispelled all their doubts, and inspired the most desponding 
with sanguine hopes. 

Pizar.ro was so delighted with this rich spoil, which he con- 
sidered the fruits of a land overflowing with treasure, that he 
instantly despatched one of his ships to Panama, with a large re- 
mittance to Almagro; and another to Nicaragua, with a consider- 
able sum to certain persons of influence in that province, in hopes 
of alluring adventurers, by this early display of the wealth which 
he had acquired. Disdaining to employ any conciliatory means 
to bring over the natives to his interest, he continued his march, 
and attacked them with such violence in their scattered habita- 
tions, as compelled them to retire into the interior country, or 
to submit at discretion. 

This sudden appearance of strangers whose actions and man- 
ners were so different from their own, and whose power appeared 
irresistible, made the same dreadful impression on these natives, 
as in the other parts of America. 

Pizarro met with little resistance, until he attacked the island 
of Puna, in the bay of Guayquil. The inhabitants of this island 
were numerous, less civilized and more fierce and warlike than 
'those on the continent; they defended themselves with such ob- 
stinate valour, that six months elapsed before Pizarro could re- 
duce them to subjection. 

From Puna he proceeded to Tumbez, where he remained three 
months to recruit his men, who were attacked by distempers pe- 
culiar to the climate. While he lay here, two detachments ar- 
rived from Nicaragua, which, though neither exceeded thirty- 
men, he considered as a reinforcement of great consequeuce ; 
especially as they were commanded by Sebastian Benalcazar, 
and Hernando Soto, two officers of distinguished merit and repu- 
tation. From Tumbez he proceeded to the river Piura, and 
near the mouth of it, he established the first Spanish colony in 
Peru ; to which he gave the name of St. Michael. 
Atihe time when the Spaniards invaded Peru, the dominions of 
its sovereigns extended in length from north to south above fifteen 
hundred miles, along the Pacific ocean ; its breadth from east to 

M 



134 HISTORY OF 

west was considerably less, being 1 curded by the vast ridge of 
the Andes, stretching from its one extreme to the other. Accord- 
ing to the traditions of the natives of Peru, they were rude and 
uncivilized like the rest of the savages of America until Manco 
Capac and Mama Ocollo, appeared amongst them, who declared 
ihemselves to be the children of the sun, sent by their beneficent 
parent, in pity, to instruct and reclaim them. These extraordi- 
nary personages settled at Cuzco, and laid the foundations of a 
city. Man co Capac instructed the men in agriculture, and the 
useful arts. Mama Ocollo taught the women to spin and weave. 
.After providing food and raiment and habitations for the lude 
people, of whom he took charge, Manco Capac introduced such 
laws and policy, as might be most likely to perpetuate their hap- 
piness. The functions of those he placed in authoiitv, were so 
defined and the administration of justice maintained with so 
steady a hand, that the country over which he presided, assum- 
ed the aspect of a well governed state. 

Thus according to tradition, was founded the empire of the In- 
cas, or Lords of Peru. They were not only obeyed as monarch?, 
but revered as divinities. Their blood was held to be sacred : 
intermarriages with the people were forbidden, and was never 
contaminated with any other race : their clothing was different; 
the monarch appeared with ensigns of royalty, reserved for him 
ik alone, and received from his subjects that homage and respect, 
which approached almost to adoration. 

In the year 1526, Huana Capac, the twelfth monarch from the 
founder of the state, was seated on the throne, eminent for his pa- 
cific virtues, as well as for his martial talents; he added the 
kingdom of Quito to his dominions, by w hich he nearly doubled the 
power of the Peruvian empire : he married the daughter of t!*e 
vanquished monarch of Quito, by whom he had a son Atahualpa, 
whom he named at his death his successor, which happened about 
the year 1529, leaving die rest of his kingdom to Iluascar his 
eldest son, by a mother of the royal race. 

Notwithstanding the Peruvians revered the memory of a mon- 
arch, to whose wise administration their country was so much in- 
debted ; yet, when they were informed of the order of succession 
so repugnant to ancient usage, and deemed sacred amongst them, 
they manifested a disposition unfavourable to his successor. Unas- 
car encouraged by those sentiments of his subjects, required hi? 
brother to renounce the government of Quito, and to acknowledge 
him as his lawful superior; but Atahualpa having previously 
gained a large body of troops which had accompanied his fathe 
to Quito; these were the flower of the Peruvian warriors, am 
were accustomed to victory; relying on their support, Atahualp 
first eluded his brother's demand, and then marched acairst hir 
in hostile an ay. Thus by the ambition of two y< ung men th 



AMERICA. 135 

kingdom of Peru was involved in a civil war. The force of arms 
triumphed over the authority of the laws, and Atahualpa remain- 
ed victorious, and made a cruel use of his victory. He put to 
death all the children of the sun, descended from Manco Capac, 
whom he could seize either by force or stratagem. His brother 
lluascar, from political motives was spared for some time, and 
detained a prisoner, that by issuing orders in his name the usurp- 
er might more easily establish his own authority. 

When Pizarro landed in the bay of St. Michael, this civil wai 
raged vviih such fury between the two brothers, that although 
they received early accounts of the invasion of their country, and 
the violent proceedings of the Spaniards, they were so intent upon 
a war, which to them appeared more interesting, that they paid 
no attention to the motions of an enemy, whose number was too 
small to excite any great alarm ; and to whose career they could 
easily put a check when more at leisure. 

The tirst information Pizarro received respecting the war, was 
from Huascar himself, who sent messengers to Pizarro to solicit 
his aid against Atahualpa whom he represented as an usurper, 
and a rebel. Pizarro discovered at once the importance of this 
intelligence: and without waiting for the reinforcement which he 
expected from Panama, with part of his troops boldly pushed 
forward, leaving a small garrison in St. Michael. 

He directed his course towards Caxamalca, a small town at 
the distance of twelve days march from St. Michael, where Ata- 
hualpa was encamped with a considerable body of troops, Be- 
fore he had proceeded far, an officer from the lnca met him, with 
a valuable present, and an offer of his alliance, together with an 
assurance of a friendly reception at Caxamalca. 

Pizarro with the usual artifice of his countrymen in America, 
pretended he was the ambassador of a very powerful monarch ; 
that he vyas coming to assist him against those enemies who dis- 
puted his title to tWo, throne. The Peruvians had formed various 
conjectures concerning the Spaniards ; it was altogether incompre- 
hensible t) them what had induced them to enter their couutry : 
sometimes fliey were disposed to consider them as beings of a su- 
perior nature, who had visited them from a beneficent motive ; 
their continual professions of good will strengthened this conjec- 
ture, and Pizarro ? s declaration of his pacific intention, so gained 
upon the credulity of the lnca, that he determined to give him 
a friendly reception. He therefore allowed the Spaniards to march 
in tranquility across the sandy desert between St. Michael and 
Motupi, where the most feeble effort of an enemy, added to the 
unavoidable distresses which they suffered in passing through that 
comfortless region, must have proved fatal to them. From thence 
they advanced to the mountains, and passed through a narrow de- 
file so inaccessible, that a few men might have defended it against 
the whole power of Spain, in that part of the globe. 



156 HISTORY OF 

The Spaniards were suffered to take possession of a fort, erect- 
ed for the security of that important station. As they drew near 
to Caxamalca, Atahualpa renewed his professions of friendship; 
and as a further proof of his sincerity, sent them presents of 
much greater value than the former. 

The Spaniards on entering Caxamalca, took possession of a 
large space of ground, on one side of which was a palace of the 
Inca, and on the other a temple of the sun : the whole surrounded 
with a strong rampart of earth. The troops being thus safely 
disposed, Pizarro despatched Hernando Soto and his brother Fer- 
dinand, to the camp of Atahualpa, which was about a league dis- 
tant from the town. They were instructed to confirm the decla- 
ration he had before made, of his pacific disposition, and to re- 
quest an interview with the Inca. They were treated with that 
respectful hospitality usual among the Peruvians, and obtained a 
promise from the Inca to visit the Spanish commander next day 
in his quarters. The deputies were astonished at the order 
winch prevailed in the court of the Peruvian monarch : but their 
attention was more particularly attracted by the vast profusion of 
wealth wine!) they observed in the Inca's camp. The rich orna- 
ments worn by him, and his attendants, the vessels of gold and sil- 
ver, in which the repast offered to them was served up, and the 
utensils of every kind, formed of those precious metals used in 
common amongst them, opened prospects far exceeding any idea 
of opulence that a European of the sixteenth century could form. 
On their return to Caxamalca, while their minds were yet 
warm with admiration and desire of the wealth which they had 
beheld ; they gave such a description of it to their countrymen, as 
confirmed Pizarro in a resolution he had already taken. He re- 
membered the advantages Cortes had gained by seizing Monte- 
zuma ; and was from the same motives desirous of getting the 
Inca in his power. His plan was as daring as it was perfidious. 
He determined to avail himself of th^t unsuspicious simplicity 
with which Atahualpa relied on his professions, and to seize his 
person during the interview to which he had invited him* He 
formed his plan with deliberation, and with as little compunction 
as if it was perfectly allowable by principles of justice and hon- 
our. He divided his cavalry into t\\vez snail squadrons, under 
the command of bis brother Ferdinand, Soto, and Benalcazar ; 
his infantry was formed in one body, except twenty of trfed cour- 
age, whom he kept near his own person, to support hkm in the 
dangerous service which he reserved for himself; the artillery 
consisting of two field-pieces, and th<i cross-bow -n*en were placed 
opposite to the avenue, by which Atahualpa was to approach. All 
were commanded to keep within the square, and not to move 
until the signal for the action was given* 
Earlv in the morning, t!ie Peruvian amp was all in motion. 



AMERICA. is: 

Atahualpa solicitous to appear with the greatest splendour and 
magnificence in his first interview with the strangers took up so 
much time in his preparations, that the day was far advanced be- 
fore he began his march, and moved so slowly, that the Spaniards 
were apprehensive their intention was suspected. To remove 
this, Pizarro despatched one of his officers with fresh assurance 
of his friendly disposition. 

The inca at length approached, preceded by four hundred 
men in an uniform dress, as harbingers to clear the way be- 
fore him. He himself sitting on a throne, adorned with plumes 
of various colours, and almost covered with plates of gold and 
silver enriched with precious stones, and was carried on the 
shoulders of his principal attendants. Behind him came some 
chief officers of his court, carried in the same manner, attended 
by several bands of musicians, and the whole plain was covered 
with troops amounting to more than thirty thousand men. As the 
Inca drew near the Spanish quarters, father Vincent Valverdi, 
chaplain to the expedition, advanced with a crucifix- in one hand, 
and a breviary in the other, and in a long discourse, attempted to 
explain to him the fall of Adam, the incarnation, sufferings, 
death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ, the appointment of St. 
Peter as God's vicegerent on earth, the transmission of his apos- 
tolic power by succession to the popes, and the donation made by 
pope Alexander to the king of Castile of all the regions in the 
New World. 

In consequence of all this, he required Atahualpa to embrace 
t\i<d Christian faith, and acknowledge the pope as supreme head 
of the church, and the king of Castile as his lawful sovereign ; 
promising, that if he instantly complied, the Castilian monarch 
would take him under his protection, and permit him to continue 
in the exercise of his royal authority ; but if he should impiously 
refuse to obey his summons, he denounced war against him in his 
masters name, and threatened him with the most dreadful effects 
of his vengeance. 

This strange harangue upon abstruse subjects, and unknown 
facts, it was impossible at once to make an untutored Indian un- 
derstand. It was altogether incomprehensible to the Inca. Those 
parts of more obvious meaning, filled him with astonishment and 
indignation. His repiy, notwithstanding, was temperate. He ob- 
served that he was lord over the dominions he governed, by he- 
reditary right ; that he could not conceive how a foreign priest 
should pretend to dispose of territories which did not belong to 
him ; that if such a preposterous grant had been made, he, as 
rightful possessor, refused to confirm it ; and that he had no in- 
clination to renounce the religious faith of his ancestors, nor would 
lie forsake the service of the sun, th^. immortal divinity, whom 
he and his peonle revered, in order to worship the god of the Span- 

M2 



138 HISTORY OF 

iards, who was subject to death ; that as to the other parts of 
the discourse, as he could not understand their meaning, he wish- 
ed to know where he had learnt things so extraordinary. u In 
this book," answered Yalverdi, reaching out to him his breviary. 
The Inca opened it eagerly, and turning over the leaves, lifted 
it to his ear : " This, 9 * says he "is silent: it tells me nothing," 
and threw it with disdain to the ground. The monk enraged at 
this action, ran towards his countrymen, and cried out, u Chris- 
tians ! to arms! to arms! the word of god is insulted, avenge 
this profanation on those impious dogs ! V 

Pizarro gave the signal of assault: instantly the martial mu- 
sic struck up. the cannon and muskets began to fire, they sallied 
out fierce!} to the charge, and the infantry rushed on sword in 
hand. The astonished Peruvians dismayed at the suddenness of 
the attack, so altogether unexpected, and the irresistable impres- 
sion of the cavalry, and the fire arms, fled with universal con- 
sternation in every quarter, without attempting any defence* Pi- 
zarro at the bead uf his chosen band advarfced directly towards 
the Inca : and notwithstanding his nobles vied with each other in 
sacrificing their own lives to cover the sacred person of their 
sovereign, the Spaniards soon penetrated to the royal seat : and Pi- 
zarro having seized the Inca by the arm, dragged him to the 
ground, and carried him as a prisoner to his quarters. 

The Spaniards elated with success, pursued the fugitive Peru- 
\ ians in every direction, and with unrelentmg barbarity continued 
the slaughter, until the close of the day, without meeting with 
nlBy resistance. About four thousand Peruvians were killed, not 
one, Spaniard fell) and Pizarro was the only one that was hurt, 
laving received a slight wound from one of his own soldiers, 
while stui: ogling. eagerly to lay hold of the Inca. The plunder 
of the field was rich beyond any idea which the Spaaiards had 

tned concerning the wealth of Peru. 

Transported wuh their success, and the value of their plunder, 
-f; ev passed the night In mirth and rejoicings, as might have been 
expected from such needy adventurers, upon such a sudden 
hange of fortune : their exultation was extravagant, and without 
any remorse for having slain so many innocent people, without 
&nV just cause or provocation. 

At first the Inca could hardly believe a calamity so unexpected 
in be real. But he soon felt all the misery of his fate ; his dejec- 

. was equal in proportion to ihe grandeur from which he had 
fallen. Pizarro fearing he should lose tire great advantages he 
had promised himself, by having him in his possession, endea- 
voured to console him, with professions of kindness and respect, 
ihat did not in the least correspond with ins actions. By residing 
among the Spaniards, Alahualpa soon discovered their ruling 
i&snon : which they were in nowise careful to conceal : and by 



AMERICA. 139 

applying to that made an attempt to recover his liberty. The 
c Iter he made for his ransi m astonished the Spaniard*. The 
apartment in yhicrl he was confined, was twenty-two feet in 
length and sixteen in breadth ; this he undertook to iill with ves- 
sels of gold, as high as he could reach. Pizarro elosed eageily 
with this tempting proposal, and aJine was drawn upon the walls 
of the chamber, to mark the stipulated height, to which the trea- 
sure was to rise. 

Pleased wi;h bavins; a prospect of liberty, the Inca took mea- 
sures instantly for fulfilling his part of the agreement, by sending 
messengers to Cuzco, Quito, and other places, where gold had 
been amassed, with orders to bring what was necessary for ob- 
taining his ransom, immediately to Caxamalca. The Peruvians 
accustomed to respect every mandate of their sovereign with the 
greatest alacrity executed his orders. Deceived with the hopes 
of regaining his liberty by this means, and afraid of endangering 
his life, by forming any other scheme for his relief, and though 
the force of the empire was entire, no preparations were made, 
and no army assembled, to avenge their own wrongs, or those of 
their monarch. 

The Spaniards remained at Caxamalca unmolested. Small de- 
tachments marched into the remote provinces of the empire, and 
insiead of meeting with any opposition, were received with dis- 
tinguished marks of respect. 

About the month of December, f .532, Almagro landed at St. 
Michael, with such a reinforcement as was nearly double in num- 
ber to the forces with Pizarro. The arrival of this long expected 
succour, was not more agreeable to the Spaniards, than alarming 
to the Inca. He saw the power of his enemies increase ; and ig- 
norant ol the source from whence th^y derived their supplies, or 
the means by whieh«rthey were conveyed to Peru, he could not 
foresee to what a height the inundation that poured in upon his 
dominions might arise. 

While his mind was agitated by these reflections, he learned 
that some of ,the Spaniards in their way to Cuz.co, had visited his 
brother iluascar, in the place where he kept htm couri'ied, and * 
that the captive prince, had represented to them theju-tiee of his 
cause, and that if they would espouse it, he had promised them 
. a quantity of treasure, vastly exceeding what he was to give for 
his ransom. He clearly perceived his own destruction to be in- 
evitable, if the Spaniards should listen to this proposal ; and as 
he well knew tl*eir insatiable thirst for gold, he had not the least 
doubt but that they w r ould close in with the proposal. 

lo prevent which and to save his own life, he gave orders that 
Huascar should be put to death ; which was obeyed like all his 
other commands, with scrupulous punctuality. The Indians 
meanwhile daily arrived from different parts of the kingdom, 



140 HISTORY OF 

loaded with treasure, A g;reat part was now amassed of what 
had been agreed upon, and Atahualpa assured the Spaniards, 
that the only reason why the whole was not brought in was, the 
remoteness ot the provinces where it wa* deposited. 

Rut such va^t piles of gold, presented continually to the view of 
needy soldiers, had so inflamed their avarice, that it was impos- 
sible any longer to restrain their impatience to obtain possession 
of this rich booty. The whole, except some vessels of curious 
workmanship, reserved as a present for the emperor, was melted 
down, and after deducting a fifth for the emperor, there remained 
one million five hundred and twenty-eight thousand and live hun- 
dred pesos, to Pizarro and his followers, besides a hundred thou- 
sand pesos as a donative to Almagro and his soldiers. The fes- 
tival of St. James, the patron saint of Spain, was the day chosen 
for the division of this large sum ; it began with a solemn invo- 
cation with the name of God, and with ridiculous grimace, pre- 
tended (for they could not be in earnest) they expected the gui- 
dance of heaven, in distributing those wages of iniquity. Eight 
thousand pesos, equal to as many pounds sterling in the present 
century, fell to the share of each horsemen, and half that sum 
to each foot-soldier. Pizarro and his officers received dividends 
in proportion to their rank. 

There is no record in history, of a sum so great ever being di- 
vided asitong so small a number of soldiers. Many of them hav- 
ing thus unexpectedly acquired, what they deemed a competency, 
were so impatient to retire, and spend the remainder of their days 
in their native country, that they demanded with clamorous im- 
portunity their discharge. Pizarro sensible that from sucji men 
he could expect neither enterprize in action, nor fortitude in suf- 
fering, persuaded at the same time that wherever they went, the 
display of their wealth, would allure other adventurers, granted 
their suit without reluctance, and permitted above sixty of them 
to accompany his brother Ferdinand, whom he sent to Spain with 
an account oi his success, and the present destined for the em- 
peror. 

The treasure being now divided among the Spaniards, the Inea 
demanded his liberty agreeable to their promise. Pizarro in- 
stead of fulfilling this, had secretly determined to take away his 
life. Though he had seized the Inea, in imitation of Cortes's con- 
duct towards the Mexican monarch, he was destitute of the ta- 
lents for carrying on the same artful policy, by which he might 
have derived still greater advantages, from being master of his 
person. Atahualpa is allowed by the Spanish historians to be a 
prince of greater abilities than Montezuma, and penetrated more 
thoroughly into the character and intentions of the Spaniards. 
Mutual suspicion and dUtrust soon took place between them. Al- 
magro and his followers from selfish motives demanded his Ife ; 



AMERICA, 141 

but the unhappy prince inadvertently contributed to hasten his 
own fate ; during liis confinement, he had attached himself with 
peculiar affection to Ferdinand Pizarro, and Hernando Soto, 
who had behaved with more decency and attention to the captive 
monarch, than the other officers. Soothed with such respect 
from persons of high rank, he delighted in their society. . But 
in the presence of Pizarro he was overawed and uneasy ; this 
soon became mingled with contempt. 

He considered that among all the European arts, that of read- 
ing and writing the most to be admired. He long deliberated with 
himself, whether he should consider it as a natural or an acquired 
talent. In order to determine this, he desired one of the soldiers 
who guarded him, to write the name of God on the nail of his 
thumb. This he showed to several Spaniards, asking its mean- 
ing; and to his amazement they all returned the same answer. 
At length Pizarro entered ; and on presenting it to him, he blush- 
ed, and with some confusion was obliged to acknowledge his igno- 
rance. From that moment Atahualpa considered him as a mean 
person, less instructed than his own soldiers; and he had not ad- 
dress enough to conceal the sentiments with which this discovery 
inspired him. To be the object of a barbarians scorn, so morti- 
fied the pride of Pizarro, and excited such resentment in his 
breast, as added force to all the other considerations which 
prompted him to put the Inca to death. 

But that he might not be alone responsible for the commission, 
of so violent and unjust an action, he resolved to try him with all 
the formalities observed in the criminal courts in Spain. Pizarro 
himself, and Almagro, with two assistants, wet^e appointed jud- 
ges, with full power to acquit or condemn; an attorney-general 
was named to carry on the prosecution in the king's name ; coun- 
sellors were chosen to assist 1he prisoner in his defence; and 
clerks were appointed to record the proceedings of the court. 

Before this mock tribunal a charge was exhibited altogether so 
absurd, that the effrontery of Pizarro in making it the ground of 
a serious procedure is as surprizing as his injustice in depriving 
the monarch of a great empire of his liberty, and then bring him 
to trial for exercising his sovereignty, agreeably to the known 
customs and laws established before the Spaniards ever came 
amongst them ; and over whom they had no jurisdiction. 

To judges predetermined in their opinion, the accusations ap- 
peared sufficient. They pronounced Atahualpa guilty, and con- 
demned him to be burned alive. Friar Valverdi pfbsti*;ated the 
authori^ of his.&acred function to confirm this sentence, and by 
his signature warranted it to be just. 

Astonished at his fate, Atahualpa endeavoured to avert it by 
his tears, by promises and by entreaties, that he might be sent to 
Spain where a monarch would be the arbior of his fate. Ths 



142 HISTORY OF 

unfeeling heart of Pizarro was never softened by pity. He or- 
dered him to be led instantly to execution ; and what added to 
t)ie bitterness of his last moments, the same monk who had just 
ratified his doom, offered to console, and attempted to convert 
him; and promised to obtain a mitigation of his punishment, if he 
would embrace the christian faith. The dread of a cruel death 
extorted from the trembling victim a desire of receiving baptism. 
The ceremony was performed ; and Atahualpa, instead of being 
burned, was strangled at the stake. But it remains on record for 
the credit of the Spanish nation, that even among the profligate 
adventurers which were sent to conquer and desolate the New 
World, there were persons who retained some of the Castilian 
generosity and honour. 

Though Ferdinand Pizarro and Soto, were sent off on separate 
commands before the trial of the Inca. there were others who op- 
posed this odious transaction* Several officers, and amongst 
those some of the greatest reputation, and most respectable fame 
in the service, not only remonstrated, but protested against this 
measure of their general, as disgraceful to their country, as re- 
pugnant to every maxim of quity, as a violation of public faith, 
and an usurpation of jurisdiction over an independent monarch, 
to which they had no title. But their endeavours were vain ; the- 
greater number, such as held every thing to be lawful that was 
advantageous, prevailed. History, however, records the unsuc- 
cessful exertions of virtue with applause, and the Spanish writers 
have not failed to preserve the names of those who made (he 
laudable effort to save their country from the infamy of having 
perpetrated such a crime. 

After the execution of Atahualpa, Pizarro invested one of his 
sons with the ensigns of royalty, expecting that a young man 
without experience would prove a more passive instrument in his 
hands, than an ambitious monarch, who had been accustomed to 
independent command. - The people of Cuzco, and the adjacent 
country acknowledged Manco Capac a brother of rluascar, as 
lnca; but the authority of the Incas was dissolved by the violent 
convulsions into which the empire had been thrown : first by the 
civil wars between the two brothers, and then by the invasion of 
the Spaniards. They had seen the monarch suffer an ignomi- 
nious death by the hands of strangers ; many of the descendants 
of the sun had been cutoff by Atahualpa : their influence in the 
state was lost, and the accustomed respect to that sacred race 
sensibly diminished. 

The general who commanded for Atahualpa in Quito, seized 
the brother and children of his master, and put them to a cruel 
death, and endeavoured to establish a separate kingdom for 
himself. 

Pizarro no longer hesitated to advance to Cuzco \ he had re- 



AMERICA. 143 

ceived considerable reinforcements : the account of the wealth 
acquired at Caxamalra, operated as he had foreseen. No sooner 
did his brother Ferdinand arrive at Panama, and display their 
riches to their astonished countrymen, than fame spread the ac- 
count with such exaggeration, through all the Spanish settlements 
on the South Sea, that the governors of Guatimala, Panama, and 
Nicaragua, could hardly restrain the people from abandoning 
their possessions, and crowding to that inexhaustible source of 
wealth, which seemed to be opened in Peru. 

In spite of every check, such numbers resorted thither, that 
Pizarro began his march at the head of five hundred men, af- 
ter leaving a considerable garrison at St. Michael, under the 
command of Benalcazar. The Peruvians had assembled some 
large bodies of troops to oppose his progress ; several tierce en- 
counters happened. But they terminated like all the actions in 
America, a few Spaniards were killed or wounded, and the na- 
tives put to flight with incredible slaughter. Pizarro at length 
forced his way into Cuzco, and quietly seated himself in that 
capital. 

The riches found there exceeded in value, what had been re- 
ceived as Atahualpa's ransom. 

In their march to Cuzco, the son of Atahualpa, whom Pizarro 
had invested with the ensigns of royalty died : and as the Spa- » 
niards neglected to appoint another in his place, Manco Capac 
seems to have been universally recognized. Benalcazar who 
had been left governor of St. Michael, an able and enterprising 
officer, was ashamed to be idle while his brethren were in arms, 
and in action: and impatient to have his name distinguished 
among the conquerors of the New World, set out to attempt the 
reduction of Quito, leaving a sufficient force to protect the infant 
settlement intrusted to his care, which was augmented by fresh 
recruits from Panaim and Nicaragua. 

At Quito he was informed by some of the natives, that Atahu- 
alpa had left the greatest part of his treasures. After marching 
through a mountainous country, covered with woods, and though 
often attacked by the best troops in Peru, conducted by a skilful 
leader, the valour and good conduct of Benalcazar surmounted 
every obstacle, and he entered Quito with his victorious troops. 
But here they met with a cruel disappointment. The natives 
were now acquainted with the predominant passion of their in- 
vaders, and had carried off all those treasures, the prospect 
©f which had prompted them to undertake this arduous expe- 
dition. 

By this time, Ferdinand Pizarro had landed in Spain. The 
immense quantities of gold and silver winch he carried with him, 
obtained him a gracious reception. In recom pence of his bro- 
ther's services, his authority Mas confirmed vwth new powers and 



144 HISTORY OF 

privileges, and the audition of seventy leagues along the coast, 
added to his former grant. Almagro received the honours he 
had so ardently desired. The title of Adelantado or governor 
was conferred upon Win, with jurisdiction over two hundred 
leagues of country, stretching Beyond the southern limits of the 
province allotted to Pizarro. Ferdinand was admitted into the 
military order of St. Jago, a distinction always acceptable to a 
Spanish gentleman : he soon after set out on his return to Peru, 
accompanied by many persons of higher rank than had yet served 
in that country. Some accounts of his negociations, had reached 
Peru before he had arrived; 

Almagro being informed that he had obtained the royal patent 
for an independent government, pretended that Cuzen, the impe- 
rial residence of the Incas, lay within its boundaries, attempted 
to make himself master of that important station. Juan and Gon- 
zalez Pizarro, prepared to oppose him. Each of the contending 
parties, were supported by powerful adherents, and the dispute 
was on the point of being terminated by the sword, when Francis 
Pizarro arrived in the capital. Their reconciliation had never 
been sincere. Pizarro's treachery in engrossing all the honours 
and emoluments v hich according to agreement, was to have been 
shared equally amongst them, was always present in both their 
thoughts. 

Pizarro conscious of his own perfidy, expected no forgiveness ; 
and Almagro was impatient to he revenged. But, notwithstand- 
ing; these incentives to hostilities, each was so well acquainted 
with the courage and abilities of his rival, that they dreaded the 
consequences of an open rupture. That evil was averted for the 
present, by the address and firmness of Pizarro ; a new reconci- 
liation took place: the most prominent article in this treaty was, 
that Almagro should attempt the conquest of Chili; and if that 
was not adequate to his merit, Pizarro engaged to indemnify him 
out 6f his Peruvian possessions. This agreement was confirmed 
with the same sacred solemnities as at their first contract, and 
observed with no better fidelity. 

Pizarro after he had concluded this important transaction, 
marched back to the countries on the sea coast, and applied him- 
self with that persevering ardour, for which he was so eminent- 
ly distinguished, to introduce a regular form of government. His 
natural sagacity supplied the want of science and experience. He 
divided the country into various districts, and appointed magis- 
trates to preside in each. He considered himself as laying the' 
foundation of a great empire; he deliberated with much solici- 
tude, in which place he should fix the seat of government. l.uz- 
co was situated in a corner of the empire, about four hundred 
miles from the sea. and a? a greater distance from Quito. 

In marching through the country, he had been struck with the 



AMERICA. 14> 

beauty and fertility of the valley of Rimac one of the most fertile 
and best cultivated in Peru. There on the banks of a small river 
of the same name, about six miles from Callao, the most com- 
modious harbour in the Pacific Ocean, he founded the city known 
at this time by the name of Lima. Under his inspection, it ad- 
vanced with such rapidity that, in theyear 1535, it soon assumed 
the form of a city, which by a magnificent palace he built for 
himself, and the stately houses erected by several of his offi- 
cers, gave even in its infancy, some indication of its subsequent 
grandeur. 

Almagro in consequence of his agreement with Pizarro, began 
his march towards Chili ; and as he was admired by his soldiers 
for a boundless liberality and fearless courage, his standard was 
followed by five hundred and seventy men : the greatest body of 
Europeans that had hitherto been assembled in Peru. Impatient 
to finish the expedition, instead of advancing along the level 
country, Almagro chose to march across the mountains, by a 
shorter route, but almost impracticable. 

By calamities they suffered from fatigue, famine, and the in- 
clemency of the climate, many of them perished ; and when they; 
descended into the fertile plains of Chili, they found there a 
race of men nearly resembling the warlike tribes in North 
America. 

Though filled with wonder at the first appearance of the Spa- 
niards, and astonished at the operations of their cavalry and fire 
arms, the Chilese soon recovered from their surprise, and de- 
fended themselves with obstinacy : and attacked their new ene- 
mies with more determined fierceness and courage, than any 
American nation had hitherto discovered. 

The Spaniards notwithstanding this formidable opposition, con- 
tinued to penetrate into the country, and collected some consider- 
able quantities of gold ; but so far were they from thinking to 
form any settlement among such powerful neighbours, that in 
^pite of the experience and valour of their leader, the final issue 
of the expedition remained extremely dubious : while they were 
in this painful suspense, a messenger arrived, who informed Al- 
magro of a revolution that had unexpectedly taken place in Peru ; 
the causes of which, as they make a necessary part of the History 
of America, it is expedient to trace to their source. 

So many adventurers had tlocked to Peru in the year 1535, 
from every Spanish colony in America, and all with such high 
expectations of accumulating independent fortunes at once, Pi- 
zarro thought it unsafe for them to be inactive; he therefore en- 
couraged some of the principal officers, who had lately joined 
him to invade different provinces of the empire, which the Spa- 
niards had not hitherto visited. Several large bodies were form- 
ed for this purpose, and about the time that Almagro set out for 

N 



146 HISTORY OF 

Chili, they marched into remote districts of thexountry. Maneo 
Capac the Inca, observing the imprudence of the Spaniards in 
thus dividing their forces, and leaving only a small number for 
the defence of Cuzco, under Juan and Gonzola Pizarro, resolved 
to avail hiself of the advantage their weakness gave him. 

Though strictly watched by the Spaniards, he found means to 
communicate his scheme to the persons whom he had appointed 
to carry it into execution. After some uncessful attempts of 
the Inea to make his escape, Ferdinand Pizarro happened at that 
time to arrive in Cuzco. He obtained permission of him to at- 
tend a great festival which was to be celebrated a few leagues 
from the capital. Under pretext of that solemnity, the chiefs of 
the empire were assembled. Nosoonerhad thelneajoined them, 
than the standard of war was erected, and in a short time all the 
fighting men from Quito to Chili were in arms. Many Span- 
iards, living securely on the settlements allotted them were mas- 
sacred. Several small detachments, as they marched carelessly 
through the country, were entirely cut off. 

An army, amounting (according to the Spanish historians) to 
two hundred thousand men, attacked Cuzco, which the three 
brothers attempted to defend, with only one hundred and seventy 
Spaniards. Another numerous body invested Lima, and kept the 
governor close shut up. The communication between the two 
cities was cut off; the very great forces of the Peruvians spread- 
ing over the country, interrupted every messenger : which kept 
the two parties in Cuzco and Lima ignorant of the fate of each 
other. 

At Cuzco, where the Inca commanded in person, they made 
the greatest effort. During nine months they carried on the 
siege with incessant ardour, and in various forms; and though 
they displayed not the undaunted ferocity of the Mexican war< 
riors, they conducted their operations with sagacity. They en- 
deavoured to imitate the Spaniards in their discipline, and use 
of their arms, which they had taken from those they had slain 
Their bravest warriors were armed with spears, swords, anc 1 
bucklers : some appeared in the field with Spanish muskets, anc 
had acquired skill and resolution enough to use them. The Inca 
and a few of the boldest were mounted on horses, like Spanish ca 
vaiiers, with their lances. In spite of their valour, heightened dj 
despair, w 7 ith which the three brothers defended Cuzco, Jvlanco Ca 
pac recovered possession of one half of his capital : and before thi 
Spaniards could drive him out of it, they lost Juan Pizarro, th< 
best beloved af all the brothers, together with some persons o 
note. Exhausted by fatigue, distressed with want of provisions 
and despairing any longer of being able to resist an enemv 
whose numbers daily increased, the soldiers became impatient t 
abandon Cuzco, in hopes of joining their countrymen, if anysur 



AMERICA. 147 

vived or of forcing their way to the sea, and finding some means 
of escaping from a country which had been so fatal to the Spanish 
name. 

At this critical moment Almagro appeared suddenly In the 
neighbourhood of Cuzco. By the same messenger who brought 
him the intelligeaceof the Inca's revolt, he received the royal pa- 
tent creating him governor of Chili, and defining thQ limits of his 
jurisdiction. Upon considering the tenor of it, he concluded it 
was manifest hevond contradiction, that Cuzco lay within the 
boundaries of his jurisdiction. He was therefore equally desirous 
to prevent the Peruvians from recovering possession of their capi- 
tal, and wrest it out of the hands of the Pizarros. 

Almagro unacquainted with events which had happened in his 
absence, and solicitous of gaining every intelligence necessary, ad- 
vanced slowly towards the capital, and with great circumspection. 
Various negotiations with both parties were set on foot. The In- 
ca at first endeavoured to gain the friendship of Almagro, but des- 
pairing of any cordial union with a Spaniard, after many fruitless 
attempts to accomplish it, he attacked him by surprise with a nu- 
merous body of chosen troops. These were repulsed with great 
slaughter, and a great part of their army dispersed, and Almagro 
marched to the gates of Cuzco without interruption. The Pi- 
zarros had rendered themselves odious by their harsh domineer- 
ing manners, while the generous, open affable temper of Alma- 
gro gained him many adherents of the Pizarros. 

Encouraged by this defection, he advanced towards the city by 
night, surprised the sentinels, or was admitted by them, and im- 
mediately invested the house where the two brothers resided, and 
compelled them, after an obstinate resistance, to surrender at dis- 
cretion. Almagro's claim of jurisdiction over Cuzco was univer- 
sally acknowledged, and a form of administration established in 
his name. In this conflict only two or three persons were kill- 
ed, but it was soon followed with scenes more bloody. 

Francis Pizarro having dispersed the Peruvians who had in- 
vested Lima, and received some considerable reinforcements from 
Hispaniola and Nicaragua, ordered five hundred men, under the 
command of Alonzo de Alvarado, to march to Cuzco, and relieve 
his brothers. This body advanced near to the capital, before they 
knew that they had an enemy more formidable than Indians to 
encounter. They were astonished when they beheld their coun- 
trymen posted on the banks of the river Abancay to oppose their 
progress. Almagro wished rather to gain, than conquer them, 
and endeavoured by bribes and promises to seduce their leader. 

The fidelity of Alvarado was not to be shaken, but his talents for 
war were not equal4o his integrity. Almagro amused him with 
various movements, themeamhgof which he could not compre- 
hend, while a large detachment of chosen soldiers passed the river 



143 HISTORY OF 

In the night, surprized his camp, and took him prisoner, with his 
principal officers after having routed his troops before they had 
time to form. 

Had Almagro known as well how to improve as to gain a vic- 
tory, this event must have been decisive. Roderigo Orgognez, an 
officer of great abilities, who had served under the Constable 
Bourbon, when he lead the imperial army to Rome, had been 
accustomed to bold and decisive counsels, advised him instantly to 
issue orders for putting to death Ferdinand and Gonzola Pizarro, 
Alvarado, and a few other persons whom he could not hope to 
gain, and to march directly to Lima, before the governor had 
time to prepare for his defence.. But Almagro, although he saw 
at onee the utility of this counsel, had not suffered himself to be 
influenced by sentiments like those of a soldier of fortune, grown 
old in the service, or the chief of a party who had drawn his 
sword in a civil war. Feelings of humanity restrained him from 
shedding the blood of his opponents : and dreaded being deemed 
a rebel for entering a province which the king had allotted to 
another. 

As he was solicitous that his rival should be considered the ag- 
gressor, he marched back to (Juzco to wait his approach. Pizarro, 
whose spirit had remained unshaken under the rudest shock of 
adversity, was almost overwhelmed with such a tide of misfor- 
tunes, as now at once poured in upon him. But he was preserved 
from sinking under it, by the necessity of attending to his own 
safety, and the desire of revenge. He took measures for both 
with his usual sagacity. 

The command which he had of the sea coast, by which he was 
enabled to receive supplies both of men and military stores, gave 
him an advantage which his rival could not expect. As it was 
his interest to gain time, he had recourse to arts, which he had 
before practised with success, and Almagro was weak enough to 
be amused with a prospect of terminating their differences, by 
some amicable accommodation. Pizarro by varying his propo- 
sals, and shifting bis-ground, when it suited his purpose, protracted 
the negociations for several months, in which time, Gonzola Pi- 
zarro and Alvarado, found means to corrupt the guard of soldiers 
to whose care they were intrusted, and not only escaped them- 
selves, but persuaded sixty of the men who had formerly guard- 
ed them, to accompany them in their Sight. 

One of the brothers being now at liberty, the governor by ano- 
ther act of perfidy procured the release of the otl>er. He propos- 
ed that every point in controversy should be submitted to their 
sovereign : that until his decision was known, each should possess 
whatever part of the country he now occupied ; 'that Ferdinand 
Pizarro should be set at liberty, and return instantly to Spain, to- 
gether with the officers whouTAlmagro proposed to send thither, 



AMERICA. 149 

to justify his claims. Notwithstanding the design of this artifice 
was so obvious, and the insincerity of the governor had been so 
Often experienced, yet did Almagro, with credulity approach- 
ing to infatuation, conclude an agreement on these terms. 

No sooner had Ferdinand Pizarro recovered his liberty, than 
the governor threw off the mask; the treaty was forgotten, paci- 
fic and conciliating measures were no more mentioned; he openly 
declared that in the field, and not in the cabinet, by arms and not 
by negociation, w T as their difference to be adjusted ; that it must 
now be determined who must be master of Peru. 

His preparations were so rapid, that seven hundred men, were 
soon ready to march towards Cuzco. The command of these 
was given to bis two brothers, who were urged on by the desire of 
vengeance, and that rancorous enmity flowing from family rival- 
ship; they in vain attempted to march across the mountains, in 
the direct road from Lima to Cuzco, but were forced to alter 
their route, by a march towards the south, along the coast as far 
as Nasca ; and then turning to the left, penetrated through the 
defiles in that branch of the Andes, which lay between them and 
the capital. 

Almagro, instead of defending those difficult passes, waited the 
approach of the enemy in the plain of Cuzco. He was induced 
to take this resolution for two reasons : his followers amounted 
only to five hundred men, and he was afraid of weakening such 
a feeble body, by sending any detachment towards the mountains. 
His cavalry tar exceeded those of the enemy, both in number and 
discipline, and it was only in an open country that he could avail 
himself of that advantage. 

The Pizarros after surmounting the difficulties and obstructions 
which arose in their march through the desert, and horrid re- 
gions which lay in their way to Cuzco, at length appeared in the 
plain, where Almagro's forces were drawn up ready to receive 
them. Though the countrymen and subjects of the same sovereign, 
and each with the royal standard displayed ; and though they be- 
held the surrounding mountains, covered with a vast number of 
Indians, assembled to enjoy the spectacle of their mutual carnage, 
and prepared to attack the successful party; so fell and implac- 
able was their rancour, that not one pacific counsel, not a single 
proposition from either party toward an accommodation was of- 
fered. 

Almagro at this time unfortunately was so worn out with the 
fatigues of service, to which his advanced age was unequal, that 
at this important crisis he could not exert his usual activity, ami 
was obliged toco nttritthe leading ot his troops to Grgognez, who 
though an officer of great merit, possessed not that ascendency 
over the spirit and aiiectkms of the soldiers, as the chief whom 
they had been so long accustomed to follow and revere. 

' n2 



150 iilSTORY OF 

The conflict was fierce, and maintained by each party with 
equal courage ; on the side of Almagro were more veteran sol- 
diers, and a larger proportion of cavalry ; but these were coun- 
terbalanced by JPizarro's superiority in numbers, and by two com- 
panies of well disciplined musketeers, which the emperor had 
sent from Spain, on account of the insurrection of the Indians, 
This small band of soldiers, regularly trained, and armed, decided 
the fate of the day. Wherever it advanced, horse and foot were 
borne down before it ; <*rgognez while he endeavoured to rally 
and animate the troops, having received a dangerous wound, the 
rout became general. 

The barbarity of the conquerors disgraced the glory of their 
victory. The voilence of civil rage hurried on some to slaughter 
their countrymen with indiscriminate cruelty ; others were 
singled out by the meanness of private revenge, as the objects I 
ef their vengeance. Orgognez and several officers, were mas- 
sacred in cold blood ; above one hundred and forty fell in the 
field. 

Almagro, though so feeble that he could not bear the motion of 
a horse, was carried in a litter to an eminence, which overlooked 
the field of battle. From thence, in the utmost agitation of mind, 
he viewed the various movements of both parties, and at last be- 
held the total defeat of his own troops, with all the passionate in- 
dignation of a leader long accustomed to victory. He endea- 
voured to save himself by flight, but was taken prisoner, and j 
guarded with the strictest vigilance. 

The Indians, instead of executing the resolution which they 
had formed, retired quietly after the battle was over, a convinc- ; 
ing evidence of that ascendency the Spaniards had acquired 
over them, as they had not courage to fall upon their enemies j 
when one party was ruined and dispered, and they so weak- 1 
ened and fatigued that they might have been attacked to ad- ! 
vantage. 

The victorious troops found in Cuzco considerable booty ; con- 
ing partly of the gleanings of the Indian treasures, and partly j 
of the wealth amassed by their antagonists from the spoils of 
Chili and Peru. But so far did this, and whatever the liberal- 
ity of Ferdinand Pizarro, their leader, could add to it, fall be- 
low their high ideas of the recom pence which they conceived 
due to their merit, that unable to gratify such extravagant expec- 
tations, he had recourse to the same which his brother had em- 
ployed on a similar occasion. 

With this view he encouraged his most active officers to dis- 
cover and reduce various provinces which had not hitherto sub- 
mitted to the Spaniards. Volunteers resorted to the standard 
erected upon this occasion with the ardour of hope peculiar to 
the age. Severs) of Aimagro's soldiers joined them and thus was 



AMERICA. 15* 

Pizarro delivered from the importunity of his discontented friends 
and the dread of his ancient enemies. The death of Al magro had 
been determined from the moment the Pizarros had him in their 
power ; but they were constrained to defer gratifying their ven- 
geance, until the soldiers who had served under him, as well as 
some of their own followers, in whom they could not perfectly 
rely, had left Cuzco. 

As soon as they had set out on their different expeditions, Al- 
magro was impeached of treason, formally tried and condemn- 
ed to die. Though he had often braved death with an undaunted 
spirit in the field, the sentence astonished him : the approach of 
death under this ignominious for hi, appalled him so much, that 
he had recourse to abject supplications unworthy of his former 
fame. He called upon the Pizarros to remember the ancient 
friendship between their brother and him, and how much he had 
contributed to the success and prosperity of their family ; he re- 
minded them of the humanity with which, in opposition to the re- 
peated remonstrances of his own most attached friends, he had 
spared their lives when they were in his power; he conjured 
them to pity his age and infirmities, and to suffer him to pass 
the remainder of his days in bewailing his crimes, and in ma- 
king his peace with heaven. 

The entreaties (says a Spanish historian), of a man so much 
beloved, touched numbers of an unfeeling heart, and drew tears 
from many a hard eve. But the Pizarros remained inflexible. 

As soon as A 1 magro knew his fate to be inevitable, he met it 
with the dignity and fortitude of a veteran. He was strangled 
in prison, and afterwards publ'cly beheaded. He suffered in the 
seventy fifth year of his age, and left one son by an Indian wo- 
man of Panama, whom, though a prisoner at that time in Lima, 
he named as successor to his government, pursuant to a power 
which the emperor had granted him. 

During the civil dissentions in Peru, all intercourse with Spain 
was suspended, the account of the transactions there unfortu- 
nately for the victorious party, was brought thither by some of 
Aimagro's officers, who had left the country upon the ruin of their 
cause : and they related what had happened, with every cir- 
cumstance unfavourable to Pizarro and his brothers. Their am- 
bition, their breach of the most solemn engagements, their vio- 
lence and cruelty, were painted with all the malignity of party 
spirit. 

Ferdinand Pizarro who arrived soon after, and appeared in 
court with extraordinary splendour, endeavoured to efface the 
impression which their accusations had made, and to jus'ify him- 
self by representing Ai magro as the aggressor. The emperor 
and his ministers, clearly saw the fatal tendency of such dissen. 
tions. and they saw ao other way more likely to restore order, 



f54 HISTORY OF 

than by sending a person with extensive aud discretionary pow- 
ers, who after viewing deliberately, the posture of affairs, and en- 
quiring on the spot, into the conduct of the different leaders, 
should be authorized to establish such form of government, as 
would be most conducive to the interest of the parent state, and 
the welfare of the colony. 

Christoval Vaca de Castro, a judge of the royal audience at 
Valladolid, was the man selected for this purpose, whose integrity 
abilities, and firmness, justified the choice. He had power to 
take upon him different characters. If he found the governor 
still alive, he was to assume only the title of judge, to maintain 
the appearance of acting only in concert with him, and to* guard 
against giving any just cause of offence, to a man, who had 
merited so highly of his country: but if Pizarro was dead, he 
was entrusted with a com mission he might then produce, by 
which he was appointed his successor in the government of 
Peru. 

This attention to Pizarro seems to have flowed rather from a 
dread of his power, than from any approbation of his measures; 
for at the very time the court seemed so cautious of irritating 
him, his brother Ferdinand was arrested at Madrid, and con- 
fined to a prison, where he remained twenty years. 

While Vaca de Castro was making preparations for his voy- 
age, events of great moment happened in Peru. Upon the death 
of Almagro, the governor considered himself the unrivalled 
possessor of that vast empire, and proceeded to parcel it out 
among his own partizans, to the total exclusion of the followers 
of Almagro ; amongst whom were many of the original adventu- 
rers, to whose valour and perseverance Pizarro was indebted for 
his success : these murmured in secret, and meditated revenge : 
great numbers of them resorted to Lima, where the house of 
young Almagro was open to them, and the slender portion of his 
father's fortune, which the governor permitted him to enjoy, was 
•spent in affording them subsistence. 

The warm attachment, with which every person who had 
served under the elder Almagro, was quickly transferred to the 
son, who was now grown up to the age of manhood, and possessed 
all those qualities, which captivate the affections of soldiers. Bold, 
open, generous, of a graceful appearance, dexterous at all martial 
exercises, he seemed formed for command. His father had been 
extremely attentive to have him instructed in every science be- 
coming a gentleman, the accomplishments he had acquired, in- 
creased the respect of his partizans, who were ready to undertake 
any thing for his advancement, they began to deliberate how they 
might be avenged on the author of their misery. 

Their frequent cabals did not pass unobserved ; and the gov- 
ernor was warned to be on his guard, against men who meditated 



AMERICA. 155 

some desperate deed, and had resolution to execute it. It was 
either from the native intrepidity of his mind ; or from contempt 
of persons, whose poverty rendered their machinations of little 
consequence, that he replied " Be not afraid (said he carelessly) 
about my life ; it is perfectly safe, as long as every man in Peru 
knows that I can in a moment put him to death, who dares to 
harbour a thought against it." This security gave the Almagri- 
ans full leisure to digest and ripen every part of their scheme; 
and Juan de Herrada, an officer of great abilities, who had the 
charge of Almagro's education, took the lead in their consulta- 
tions, with all the zeal that connexion inspired, and with all the 
authority which the ascendency which he had over the mind of 
his pupil, gave him. 

On the twenty-sixth day of June, 1541, being the Sabbath at 
mid-day, the season of tranquility and repose in all sultry cli- 
mates, Herrada at the head of eighteen of the most determined 
conspirators, sallied out of Almagro's house, in complete armour, 
and drawing their swords, as they advanced hastily towards the 
governor's palace, cried out " Long live the king ; but let the tr- 
p rant die. 5 ' Their associates warned of their motions by a sig 
nal, were in arms at different stations, ready to support them. 

Though Pizarro was usually surrounded by such a numerous 
train of attendants, as suited the magnificence of the most opulent 
subject of the age in which he lived ; yet, as he was just risen 
from table, and most of Ris own domestics hid retired to their own 
apartments, the conspirators passed through the two outer courts 
of the palace unobserved. They were at the bottom of the stair- 
case, before a page in waiting could give the alarm to his master, 
who was conversing with a few fiends in a large hall. 

The governor whose steady mmd no form of clanger could ap- 
pal, starting up. called for arms, and commanded Francisco de 

.Chaves to make fast the door. But that officer did not retain so 
much presence of mind as to obey this prudent order, running to 
the top of the stair-case, wildly asked the conspirators what they 

. meant, and whither they were goin£ ? Instead of answering, they 
stabbed him to the heart, and hurst into the hall. Some of the 
persons who were there, in a fright threw themselves from the 
windows, others attempted to escape ; and a few drawing their 
swords followed their leader to an inner apartment. The con- 
spirators having the object of their vengeance now in view, rushed 
forwards Pizarro with no other arms than his sword and buck- 
ler, defended the entry, and supported by his half brother Alcan- 
tara and his few friends, maintained the unequal contest with in- 
trepidity, worthy his former exploits ; and with the vigour of a 
youthful combatant, ki Courage, (cried he to his companions) we 
are yet formidable enough to make these traitors repent their au- 
dacity," but the armour of the conspirators^ protected them, 
while every thrust they made took effect. 



154 HISTORY OF 

Alcantara fell dead at his brother's feet ; his other defendants 
were mortally wounded. The governor, so weary that he could 
not wield his sword and no longer able to parry the many weapons 
furiously aimed at him, received a deadly thrust full in his throat, 
sunk to the ground and expired. As soon as he was slain, the as- 
sassins ran into the streets waving their bloody swords, and pro- 
claiming the death of the tyrant. About two hundred of the as- 
sociates having joined them, they conducted young Almagro, in 
solemn procession through the city; and assembling the magis- 
trates and principal citizens, compelled them to acknowledge him 
as lawful successor to his father in his government, 

The palace of Pizarro, together with the houses of several of 
his adherents were pillaged by the soldiers, who had at once the 
satisfaction of being avenged on their enemies, and of enriching 
themselves by the spoils <vf those, through whose hands all the 
wealth of Peru had passed; 

The popular qualities of Vlmagro and the success of the con- 
spiracy drew many soldiers to his standard s who declared with- 
out hesitation in his fa\»>ur. Almagro wa* soon at the head of 
eight hundred of the mo*t gallant veteran* i" Peru. He appoints 
ed Herrada genera). Notwithstanding this favourable turn of for- 
tune, the acquiescence in his government was far from being gen- 
eral. Pizarro had left many friends to whom his memory was 
dear; the barbarous assassination of a man to whom his country 
was much indebted, filled every impartial person with horror; 
by others he was considered as an usurper. The officers who 
commanded in som.e provinces, refused to recognize his authority 
until it was confirmed by the emperor. In others, particularly at 
Cuzco, the royal standard was erected, and preparations made to 
revenge the murder of their ancient leader 

Those seeds of discord acquired greater vigour when the arri- 
val of Vaca de Castro was known. After a long voyage he put 
into a small harbour in the province of Papayan, in the year 
1541, from thence he proceeded by a difficult and tedious route to 
Quito. In his way he received an account of Pizarro's death, and 
of the events which followed upon it. He immediately produced 
the royal commission appointing him governor of Peru. His ju- 
risdiction was acknowledged by Benalcazar, lieutenant general 
for the emperor, in Papayan, and by Pedro de Pueilus, who in the 
absence of Gonzalas Pizarro, commanded the troops in Quito 
who had himself gone upon a fruitless expedition to the east of 
the Andes, where he and his followers suffered incredible hard- 
ships. 

Vaca de Castro not only assumed the supreme authority, but 
shewed that he possessed talents equal to the exigency of the 
momentous trust committed to him. By his influence and address 
he sooij assembled a body of troops, that set him above all fear 



AMERICA. 155 

of insult from the adverse party, and enabled him to advance 
from Quito with the dignity that became his character. 

Almagro observed the rapid progress of the spirit of disaffection 
to his cause ; and that he might give an effectual check to it be- 
fore the arrival of Vaca de Castro, ho set out at the head of his 
troops for Cuzco, where the most considerable body of troops had 
erected the royal standard under the command of Hedro Alvarez 
Holguin. During his march thither, Herrada, the skilful guide 
of his youth, died : and from that time his measures were con- 
spicuous for violence, and want of sagacity. Holguin, with forces 
far inferior, was descending to the coast, at the very time that 
Almagro was on his way to Cuzco. By a very simple stratagem 
he deceived his unexperienced adversary, avoided an engage* 
nient, and effected a junction with Alvarado, an officer of note, 
who had been the first to declare against Almagro as an usurper. 

Soon after, Vaca de Castro entered the camp with the troops 
which he had brought from Quito, and erected the royal standard 
before his own tent, he declared himself as governor, that he 
would discharge all the functions of general of the combined 
forces ; and although he had not been brought up to the profes- 
sion, he displayed the abilities and decision of an officer accus- 
tomed to command. As his strength was superior to that of the 
enemy, he was impatient to end by a battle, the contest which 
appeared unavoidable. 

Almagro and his followers despairing of pardon, for a crime 
so attrocious as fhe murder of Pizarro, the governor, were not 
inclined to shun that mode of decision. 

They met, September the sixteenth, 1542, at Chupas, about 
two hundred miles from Cuzco. The violence of civil rage, the 
rancour of private enmity, the eagerness of revenge, and the 
last efforts of despair, inspired them with such courage, that 
victory remained for a long time doubtful : but at last declared 
for Vaca de Castro. The martial talents of Francisco de Car? 
vajal, a veteran officer, and the intrepidity of Vaca de Castro, 
triumphed over the bravery of their opponents, led on by young 
Almagro, with a gallant spirit, worthy of a nobler cause, and 
deserving a better fate. 

Many of the vanquished, who had been accessary to the assas- 
sination of Pizarro, rather than wait an ignominious doom, rush- 
ed on the swords of the enemy, and fell like soldiers. Of fourteen 
hundred men, the amount of combatants on both sides, five hun- 
dred lay dead on the field ; and the number of the wounded was 
still greater. Vaca de Castro proceeded immediately to try his 
prisoners, as rebels. Forty were condemned to suffer death as 
traitors, others were banished from Peru. Their leader, v\ho. 
made his escape from the battle, betrayed by some of his officers, 
was publicly beheaded at Cuzco; and in him the name of Alma- 
gro, and the spirit of his party, were extinct. 



156 HISTORY OF 

Durirjo- these violent commotions in Peru, the emperor and hi$ 
ministers were employed in preparing regulations by which they 
hoped to restore tranquility, and a more perfect system of internal 
policy, into ail their settlements in the New World. To prevent 
the extinction of the Indian race, called for immediate remedy ; 
fortunately for them Bartholomew de Cases happened to be then 
at Madrid, on a mission from a chapter of his order at Chiapa. 
His zeal in behalf of this unfortunate people, was so far from 
abating, that from an increased knowledge of their sufferings his 
ardour had augmented. He eagerly seized this opportunity in re- 
viving his favourite maxims concerning the treatment of the In- 
dians. With that moving eloquence, natural to a man on whosfe 
mind the scenes which he had beheld, had made a deep impres- 
sion, he described the irreparable waste of the human species in 
the New World; the Indian race almost totally swept away in 
the islands in less than fifty years, and hastening to extinction 
on the continent with the same rapidity. 

With a decisive tone, he imputed all this to the exactions and 
cruelly of his countrymen, and positively insisted that nothing 
could prevent the depopulation of America, but by declaring the 
natives freemen, and treating them as such. Not content with 
thus verbally asserting the tights of this oppressed people, he 
published a celebrated treatise, in which he related the horrid 
cruelties of his country mer-. 

The emperor was deeply affected with the recital of so many 
actions shocking to humanity. To relieve the Indians, as well as 
to circumscribe the power of his own subjects in the New World 
he framed a body of laws, containing many salutary appointments 
with respect to the constitution and powers of the supreme coun- 
cil of the Indies, and the administration of justice, both ecclesias- 
tical and civil. These were approved by all ranks of men : but, 
with them were issued the following regulations, which excited 
universal alarm. "That as the repartimientos or shares of land 
seized by several persons, appeared to be excessive, the royal 
audiences were empowered to reduce them to a moderate ex- 
tent: That upon the death of any conqueror or planter, the 
lands and Indians granted to him shall not descend to his widow 
or children, but return to the crown : That the Indians shall 
henceforth be exempted from personal service, and shall not be 
compelled to carry the baggage of travellers, to labour in the 
mines, or dive in the pearl firsheries: That all persons who are 
or have been in public offices, ecclesiastics of every denomination, 
hospitals, and monasteries, shall be deprived of the lands and In- 
dians allotted to them ; these lands and Indians shall be annexed 
to the crown: That every person in Peru, who had any criminal 
concern in the contests between Pizarro and Almagro, should 
forfeit his lands and Indians." All the Spanish ministers v\ho 



AMERICA.;-:: 157 

had hitherto been entrusted with the direction of American 
affairs, opposed these regulations. But Charles, tenacious at all 
times of his own opinions, persisted in his resolution of publish- 
ing the laws. 

That they might be carried into execution with greater vigour 
and authority, he authorized Francisco Tello de Sandoval, to re- 
pair to Mexico as visitador, or superintendant of that country ; 
and to co-operate with Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy, in en- 
forcing them. He appointed Blasco Nugnez Vela, to be gover- 
nor of Peru, with the title of viceroy ; and to strengthen his ad- 
ministration, he established a court of audience at Lima, in which 
four lawyers cf eminence were to preside as judges. 

The viceroy and superintendant sailed at the same time. An 
aceount of the new laws, they were to enforce had reached Amer- 
ica before their arrival. The entry of Sandoval into Mexico was 
considered as the prelude of general ruin. Under the prudent ad- 
ministration of Mendoza, the people of New Spain had become 
accustomed to the restraints of law and authority. Happily for 
them Mendoza, by long residence in the country, was so well 
acquainted with its state, that he knew what was for its interest, as 
well as what the people could bear ; and Sandoval displayed a 
degree of moderation unexpected from a person just entering 
upon the exercise of power. They were disposed to grant every 
indulgence to the inhabitants, that was in their power. In compli- 
ance with their request, they suspended for some time, the execu- 
tion of what was offensive in the new laws ; they also consented, 
that a deputation of citizens should be sent to Europe, to lay be- 
fore the emperor the apprehensions of his subjects in New Spain, 
with respect to their tendency and effects; and concurred with, 
them in supporting their sentiments. 

Charles moved by the opinion of men, whose abilities and in- 
| tegrity were unquestionable, granted such a relaxation of the 
I rigour of the laws, as re-established the colony in its former tran- 
quility. In Peru the storm wore an aspect more fierce and 
threatening. As the account of the new laws spread through 
the different settlements, the inhabitants ran together ; the women 
in tears, and the men exclaiming against the injustice and ingra- 
titude of their sovereign, in depriving them unheard and uncon- 
victed of their possessions. 

" Is this," cried they, " the recompence due to persons, who, 
• without public aid, at their own expense, and by their own va- 
lour, had subjected to the crown of Castile, territories of such 
vast extent and opulence ? Shall the conquerors of this great em- 
pire, instead of receiving marks of distinction, be deprived of the 
natural consolation of providing for their widows and children, 
and leave them to depend for subsistence on the scanty supply 
they can extort from unfeeling courtiers. Although we are not 

o 



153 *:*HIST0RY OF 

now able to explore unknown regions, in quest of more secure 
settlements, yet we still possess vigour sufficient to assert our just 
rights; and we will not tamely suffer them to be wrested from 
us." Consultations were held in different places, planning how 
they might oppose the entrance of the viceroy and judges ; and 
prevent not only the execution, but the promulgation, of the 
laws. 

Vaca de Castro had the address to divert them from their pur- 
pose; he flattered them with hopes, that when the viceroy and 
judges should arrive, and had leisure to examine their petitions 
and remonstrances, they would concur with them in endeavour- 
ing to procure them some mitigation in the rigour of the laws, 
which had been framed without due attention to the state of the 
country, or the sentiments of the people. Of all the qualities that 
fit men for high command, the viceroy possessed only integrity 
and courage : the former harsh and uncomplying, the latter bor- 
dering so frequently on rashness and obstinacy, that in his situa- 
tion they were defects rather than virtues. 

When he landed, he seemed to have considered himself merely 
as an executive officer, without any discretionary power. Re- 
gardless of what he heard of the state of the country, he adhered 
to the letter of the regulations with unrelenting rigour. Through 
all the towns which he passed, he declared the natives free. Eve- 
ry person in public office was deprived of his lands and servants ; 
and, as an example of obedience, he would not suffer an Indian 
to carry any part of his baggage in his march to Lima, from Tum- 
bez. Wherever he approached, amazement and consternation 
went before him. On entering the capital, he openly avowed, 
" that he came to obey the orders of his sovereign : not to dis- 
pense with the laws." This harsh declaration was accompanied 
with a haug' ty deportment, and insolence of office, which ren- 
dered him odious to the people. Several peisons of rank were 
confined, and some put to death without atrial. 

Vaca de Castro was arrested, and notwithstanding the dignity 
of his former rank, and his merit in having prevented a genera^ 
insurrection of the colony, he was loaded with chains, and shut up 
in the common goal. From the time the purport of the new regu- 
lations were known, every Spaniard in Peru turned his eyes to- 
wards Gonzalo Pizarro, as the only person able to avert the ruin 
with which they were threatened. From all quarters letters and 
addresses were sent to him, conjuring him to stand forth as their 
protector ; offering to support him in the attempt with their lives 
and fortunes. 

Gonzalo, though he wanted the talents of his other brothers, 
was equally ambitious, and of as daring courage. The behavi- 
our ol an ungrateful court, towards his brothers and himself? 
dwelt continually on his mind. Ferdinand a state prisoner in 



AMERICA. 159 

Europe, the children of the governor in custody of the viceroy, 
and sent on hoard the fleet, himself reduced to the condition of 
a private citizen, in a country, for the discovery and conquest of 
which Spain was indebted to his family. These thoughts prompt- 
ed him to seek for vengeance, and assert the rights of his fami- 
ly, of which he how considered himself the guardian and 
heir. 
f But the veneration which every Spaniard had for his sove- 
reign, made him shudder at the thoughts of marching in arms 
against the royal standard. He hesitated long, and was still un- 
resolved : when the violence of the viceroy, the universal call of 
his countrymen, and the certainty of soon becoming a victim to 
the severity of the new laws, moved him to quit his residence at 
Chuquisaca de la Plata, and repair to Cuzco. All the inhabitants 
went out to meet him, and received him with transports of joy, 
as the deliverer of the colony. 

In the fervour of their zeal they elected him procurator-gene- 
ral of the Spanish nation in Peru, to solicit the repeal of the late 
regulations ; they also commissioned him to lay before the royal 
audience in Lima their remonstrances, and, upon pretext of dan- 
ger from the Indians, authorized him to march thither in arms. 
Under sanction of this nomination, Pizarro took possession of the 
royal treasure, appointed officers, levied soldiers, seized a large 
train of artillery, which Vaca de Castro had deposited in Gua- 
ir.anga, and set out for Lima as if he had been advancing against 
a public enemy. 

Disaffection having now assumed a regular form, many persons 
of note resorted to his standard ; and a considerable body of troops 
which the viceroy had raised to oppose his progress, deserted to 
him. The violence of the viceroy's administration, and his over- 
bearing haughtiness, had become so odious to his associates, the 
judges of the royal audience, as well as to the people, that the 
judges thwarted every measure he proposed ; and set at liberty the 
prisoners he confined ; justified the malecon tents, and applauded 
their remonstrances. The viceroy became at length so univer- 
sally odious, that he was abandoned by his own guards, was seized 
in his palace, and carried to a desolate island on the coast, to be 
kept there until he should be sent home to Spain. This revolu- 
tion took place while Pizarro was on his march to Lima. 
The judges having now assumed the supreme direction of affairs, 
issued a proclamation suspending the execution of the obnoxious 
laws, and sent a message to Pizarro, requiring him, as they had 
already granted whatever he could request, to dismiss his troops 
and repair to Lima with fifteen or twenty attendants. It was 
not expected that a man so daring and ambitious would tamely 
comply with this requisition: but it was necessary to throw a de- 
cent veil over their conduct : Cepeda, president of the court of 



160 HISTORY OF 

audience, a pragmatical and aspiring lawyer, held a secret cor- 
respondence with Pizarro, and had already formed the plan, 
which he afterwards executed, of devoting himself to his 
service. 

Pizarro now beheld the supreme power within his reach ; and 
Carvajal, -the promoter and guide of all his actions, had long 
fixed his opinion, that it was the only end at which Pizarro ought 
to aim. He, accordingly, demanded, to be made governor and 
captain general of the whole province, and required the judges 
to grant him a commission to that effect. But the judges, from a 
desire of preserving some attention to appearances, seemed to he- 
sitate, about complying. Carvajal impatient of delay, and impet- 
uous in all his operations, marched into the city by night, seized 
several officers of distinction, obnoxious to Pizarro, and hanged 
them without the formality of a trial. Next morning the court of 
audience issued a commission in the emperor's name, appointing 
Pizarro governor of Peru, with full powers civil as well as mili- 
tary ; and he entered the town that day with great pomp, to take 
possession of his new dignity. Pizarro had scarcely began to ex- 
ercise the new powers with which he was invested, when he be- 
held formidable enemies rise up lo oppose him. 

The viceroy had been put on board a vessel by the judges, in 
order that he mi^htbe carried to Spain under custody or Juan Al- 
varez, one of their own number : who, as soon as they were out 
at sea, touched with remorse, or moved by fear, fell at the feet of 
his prisoner, declaring him from that moment to be free, and that 
he would himself, and every person on the ship, obey him as the 
legal representative of their sovereign. Nugnez Vela ordefed 
them to steer to Tumbez, where he landed, and erected the roy- 
al standard, and resumed his functions of viceroy. Several per- 
sons of note instantly avowed their resolution to support the au- 
thority. 

Alarmed with these appearances of hostility, Pizarro prepared 
to assert the authority to which he had attained, and marched 
against the viceroy, as the enemy who was nearest as well as most 
formidable. As he was master of the public revenue^ in Peru, 
and most of the military men were attached to his family, his 
troops were so numerous, that the viceroy, unable to face him, 
retreated towards Quito, and from thence to the province of Po- 
payan, whither Pizarro followed him; but finding it impossible 
to overtake him, he returned to Quito. From thence he des- 
patched Carvajal to oppose Centeno, a bold and active officer, 
who had cut oifhis lieutenant governor, in the province of Char- 
cas, and had declared for the viceroy, and remained himself at 
Quito. 

JN ugnez Vela by his own activity, and the assistance of Benalca- 
zar assembled four hundred men in Popayau : with these he 



AMERICA. 161 

marched hack to Quito, disdaining the advice of some of his fol- 
lowers, who endeavoured to persuade him to send overtures of 
accommodation to Pizarro; declaring that it was only by the 
sword, that a contest with rebels could be decided. 

Pizarro advanced resolutely to meet him. The battle was fierce 
and bloody : but Pizarro's veterans, pushed forwards with such 
regular and well directed force, that they soon began to make an 
impression on their enemies. The viceroy by great exertions, 
in which the abilities of a commander, and courage of a soldier 
were equally displayed, held victory for some time in suspense. 
At length he fell, pierced with many wounds, and the rout of his 
soldiers became general. His head was cut off, and placed on the 
public gibbet, in Quito. The troops assembled by Centeno, were 
dispersed soon after, by Carvajal, and he himself compelled to 
fly to the mountains, where he remained for several months, con- 
cealed in a cave Every person in Peru submitted to Pizarro; 
and by his fleet, under Pedro de Hinojosa, he had the unrivalled 
command of the South Sea, had also possession of Panama, and 
placed a garrison in Nombre de Dios, on the opposite side of the 
isthmus, which rendered him master of the usual avenue of com- 
munication between Spain and Peru. 

After this decisive victory, Pizarro and his followers remained 
for some time at Quito; and although they were transported with 
their victory, yet he and his confidents, were obliged to turn their 
thoughts sometimes to what was serious, and deliberated with 
much solicitude, concerning the part he ought now to take. Car- 
vajal had from the beginning, warned Pizarro that in the career 
on which he was entering, it was in vain to think of holding a 
middle course; that he must either boldly aim at all or attempt 
nothing. 

Upon receiving an account of the victory at Quito, he remon- 
strated to him in a letter, and in a tone still more peremptory, 
r you have usurped (said he) the supreme power in this country, 
in contempt of the emperor's commission to another. You have 
marched in hostile array, against the royal standard; you have 
attacked the representative of your sovereign in the field, have 
defeated him, and cut off his head. Think not that a monarch 
will forgive such insults on his dignity : or that any reconciliation * 
with him can be cordial or sincere. Depend no longer on the pre- 
carious favour of another. Assume yourself the sovereignty over 
a country, to the dominion of which your family has a title, found- 
ed on the rights both of discovery and conquest. It is in your 
power to attach every Spaniard in Peru, of any consequence, in- 
violably to your interest, by liberal grants of land and Indians ; 
or by instituting ranks of nobility ; of creating titles of honour, 
similar to those which are courted with so much eagerness in Eu- 
rope. By establishing orders of knighthood, with privileges and 

o 2 



1G2 HISTORY OF 

distinctions like those in Spain, you may bestow a gratification 
upon the officers in your service, suited to the ideas of military 
men. Nor is it to your country only that you ought to attend ; 
endeavour to gain the natives. "By marrying the Coya or daugh- 
ter of the sun, next in succession t > the crown, you will induce the 
Indians, out of veneration for the blood of their ancient princes, 
to unite with the Spaniards in supporting your authority. Thus 
at the head of the principal inhabitants of Peru as well as the 
new settlers there you may set at defiance the power of Spain, 
and repel with ease any feeble force which it can send at such a 
distance." 

Cepeda the lawyer, who was now Pizarro's confidential coun- 
sellor, warmly seconded Carvajal's exhortations. Pizarro listen- 
ed attentively to both, and contemplated with pleasure the object 
they presented to his view. But happily for the tranquility of 
the w$rld, few men possess that superior strength of mind, and 
extent of abilities, which are capable of forming and executing 
such daring schemes. The mediocrity of Pizarro's talents, cir- 
cumscribed his ambition within more narrow limits. He confined, 
his views to obtaining from the court of Spain, a confirmation of 
the authority which lie now possessed; and for that purpose he 
sent an officer of distinction thither, to represent his conduct in 
such a favourable light, as that the emperor might be induced to 
continue him in his present station. 

While Pizarro was deliberating with respect to the part he 
should take, consultations were held in Spain concerning the mea- 
sures which ought to be pursued : the court had received intelli- 
gence of the insurrection against the viceroy ; of his imprison- 
ment, and Pizarro's usurpation. At first view, the actions of 
Pizarro and his party appeared so repugnant to the duty of sub- 
jects towards their sovereign, that the greater part of the ministers 
insisted on declaring them instantly guilty of rebellion, and on 
proceeding to punish them with rigour. But innumerable obsta- 
cles presented themselves. The strength and glory of the Spanish 
armies were then employed in Germany. To transport any res- 
pectable body of troops so remote as Peru, appeared almost im- 
possible, as the treasury had been drained of money to support 
f the emperors war in Europe. 

Nothing, therefore, remained, but to attempt by lenient mea- 
sures, what could not be effected by force ; with this view they 
appointed Pedro de la Gasca, a priest and counsellor of the in- 
quisition, who had been employed by government in affairs of trust 
and confidence, and which he had conducted with ability and suc- 
cess ; displaying a gentle insinuating temper, accompanied with 
firmness and probity, superior to any feeling of private interest, 
and a cautious circumspection in concerting measures, followed by 
guch vigour in executing them, as is rarely found united with each 



AMERICA. 163 

other. These qualities marked him out for the function for which 
lie was destined. The emperor warmly approved of the choice. 
He was invested with unlimited authority : and without money 
or troops, set .out to quell a formidable rebellion. On his arrival 
at Nombre de Dios, he found Henian Mexio, an officer of note, 
posted there by order of Pizarro, with a considerable body of 
men, to oppose the landing of any hostile forces. But Gasca 
came in such pacific guise, wirha train so little formidable, and with 
a tide of no such di^nitv a* to excite terror, that he was receiv- 
ed with much respect, for he assumed no higher title than that 
of president of the court of audience in Lima. 

From Nombre de !)ios he advanced to Panama; and was 
treated with the same respect by Hinojosa, whom Pizarro had 

f entrusted with the government of that town, and the command of 
the fleet stationed there. In both places, he held the same lan- 
guage, declaring that he was sent by his sovereign as a messenger 
of peace, not as a minister of vengeance ; that he came to redress 
all grievances, to revoke the laws which had excited alarm; and 
to re-establish order and justice in Peru. His mild deportment, 
the simplicity of his manners, the sanctity of his profession, and 

j a winning; appearance of candour, gained credit to his declara- 
tions. Hinojosa, Mexia, and several other officers of distinction, 
were gained over to his interest, and waited only a decent pre- 
text for declaring openly in his favour. 

This, the violence of Pizarro soon gave them. He sent a new 
deputation to Spain to justify his conduct; and to insist in the 

t name of all the communities in Peru, for a confirmation of the 
government to himself during his life. The persons entrusted 

■ with this commission, intimated the intention of Pizarro to the pre- 
sident, and required him, in his name, to depart from Panama, 
and return to Spain. To Hinojosa they had secret instructions, 
directing him to offer Gasca fifty thousand pesos, if he would com- 
ply willingly with what was demanded of him ; and, if he should 
continue obstinate, to cut him off, either by assassination or poi- 
son. Hinojosa, amazed at his precipitate resolution of setting 
himself in opposition to the emperor's commission, and disdaining 

. to execute the crimes pointed out in his secret instructions pub- 

l iicly acknowledged the president as his only lawful superior. The 

' officers under his command did the same. Such was the conta- 
gious influence of the example, that it reached even the deputies 
who had been sent to Lima; and, at the time when Pizarro ex- 
pected to hear of Gascons death, or his return to Spain, he was 
informed that he was master of the fleet, of Panama, and of the 
troops stationed there. 

Provoked almost to madness by an event so unexpected, he 

openly declared war ; and to give some colour of justice to his 

I proceedings, he appointed the court of amJUeage at Lima to trj 



164 HISTORY OF 

Gasca, for the crimes of haying seized his ships, seduced his of- 
ficers, and prevented his deputies from proceeding on their voy- 
age to Spain. Cepeda did not scrunle to prostitute his dignity as 
judge, by finding Ga«ea guilty of treason, and condemned him to 
death on that account. Wild and ridiculous as this may appear, 
it was imposed on the low adventurers with which Peru was peo- 
pled, by the semblance of a legal sanction, warranting Pizarro to 
carry hostilities on against a convicted traitor. Soldiers accord- 
ingly resorted to his standard from every quarter, and he was soon 
at the head of a thousand men, the best equipped that had ever 
taken the field in Peru. 

• Gasca, on his part, seeing that force must be employed, was 
assiduous in collecting troops from different places, and .with such 
success, that he was soon in a condition to detach a squadron of3f 
his fleet, with a considerable body of soldiers to the coast of Pe- 
ru. Their appearance excited a dreadful alarm; and though 
they did not for some time attempt to make any descent, yet they 
set ashore at different places, persons with copies of the act of ge- 
neral indemnity, and the revocation of the late edicts ; and who 
made known every where the pacific intentions and mild temper 
of the president. The effect of spreading this information was 
wonderful. 

All who were dissatisfied with Pizarro, all who retained any 
sentiments of fidelity to their sovereign, meditated revolt. Some 
openly deserted a cause they considered now as unjust. Ceuteno 
left his cave, and having assembled about fifty of his former ad- 
herentsalmost without arms, entered Cuzco by night, and though 
it was defended by five hundred men, he rendered himself master 
of that capital. Most of the garrison ranged themselves under 
his banners, and he had soon the command of a respectable body ' 
of troops. 

As the danger from Centeno-s operations was the most urgent, 
Pizarro instantly set out to oppose him. Having provided horses 
f^r his soldiers, his march was rapid. But every morning he 
found his force diminished by numbers who had left him during 
the night; and though he became suspicious to excess, and piinish- 
ed without mercy, all whom he suspected, the rage of desertion 
Mas too violent to be checked. Before he got within sight of the 
enemy at Huarina, near the lake Titicaca, he could only muster 
four hundred men. But those he considered as soldiers of ttied 
attachment, on whom he might depend. They were the boldest 
and most desperate of his followers, conscious, like himself, of 
crimes, for which they couid hardly expect forgiveness; and 
without any other hope tout the success of their arms. With 
these he did not hesitate to attack Centeno's troops, though 
double in number to his own. 



AMERICA. 165 

The royalists did not decline the combat. It was the most 
obstinate and bloody that had ever been fought in Peru. The in- 
trepid valour, and the superiority of CarvajaPs military talents 
prevailed, and triumphing over numbers, a complete victory was 
gained. The booty was immense, and the treatment of the 
vanquished cruel. 

By this signal success, the reputation of Pizarro was re-esta- 
blished, and being now considered as invincible in the field, his 
army increased daily. But this victory was more than counter- 
balanced by events which happened in other parts of Peru. 

Pizarro had scarcely left Lima, when the citizens, weary of his 
oppressive dominion, erected the royal standard ; and Aldana, 
with a detachment of soldiers from the fleet, took possession of the 
pawn: at the same time Gasca landed at Tumbez with five hun- 
dred men ; as his numbers augmented fast, he advanced into the 
interior of the country. His behaviour still continued to be gentle 
and unassuming ; he expressed on every occasion, his ardent wish 
of putting an end to the contest without bloodshed. He upbraid- 
ed no man for past offences, but received them as a father receives 
*1iis penitent children, returning to t sense of their duty. He ap- 
pointed the general rendezvous of his troops in the valley of 
Xauxa on the road to Cuzco ; there he remained for some months, 
that he might have time to make another attempt towards an ac- 
commodation with Pizarro. and also that he might train his new 
soldiers to the use of arms, and accustom them to discipline, be- 
fore he led them against a body of victorious troops. Pizarro, 
el ited with success, and having now a thousand men under his 
command, refused to listen to any terms, although Cepeda, toge- 
ther with several officers, and Carvajal himself, gave it as their 
advice, to close with the president's oiler, of a general indemnity, 
and the revocation of the obnoxious laws. 

Gasca having tried in vain every expedient to avoid embruing 
his hands in the blood of his countrymen, advanced at the head 
of sixteen hundred men, toward Cuzco. Pizarro, confident of 
victory, suffered the royalists to pass all the rivers without op- 
position, and to advance within four leagues of the capital, flat- 
tering himself that a defeat in such a situation would render a 
retreat impracticable, and at once terminate the war. He then 
marched out to meet the enemy. Carvajai chose his ground, and 
made a disposition of the troops, with the discerning eye, and 
profound knowledge, of the i\rt of war, which were conspicuous 
in all his operations f 

As the two armies moved forward to the charge, the appear- 
ance of each was singular. Pizarro's men enriched with the 
spoils of the most opulent country in America ; every officer, and 
almost all the private men, were clothed in silk stuffs, or bro- 
cade, embroidered with gold and silver; and their horses, their 



168 HISTORY OF 

arms, and standards, were adorned with all the pride of military 
pomp. Thai of Gasco, though not so splendid, exhibited what 
was no less striking. Himself accompanied by the archbishop 
of Lima, the bishop of Quito, and Cuzca, and a great number o! 
ecclesiastics, marching along the lines, blessing the men, and en- 
couraging them to a resolute discharge of their duty. When 
both were just ready to engage, Cepeda set spurs to his horse, 
gallopped oft*, and surrendered himself to the president ; several 
other officers of note followed his example. The revolt of per- 
sons of such high rank struck all with amazement Distrust and 
consternation spread from rank to rank; some silently slipped 
away, others threw down their arms, hut the greater number went 
over to the royalists. Carvajal, and some leaders employed au^ 
thority, threats, and entreaties, to stop them, but in vain ; in leW 
than half an hour, a body of men, which might have decided th.£ 
fate of the Peruvian empire, was totally dispersed. Pizarro, 
seeing all lost, cried out in amazement to a few officers, who 
stili faithfully adhered to him. " What remains for us to do?*' 
" Let us rush," replied one of them, "upon the enemy's firmest 
battalion, and die like Romans." 

Dejected with such reverse of fortune, he had not spirit to 
follow this soldierly counsel ; and with a tameness disgraceful to 
his former fame, he surrendered to one of Gasea's officers ; Car- 
vajal endeavouring to escape, was overtaken and seized. Gasca. 
happy in this bloodless victory, did not stain it with cruelty. Pi- 
zarro, Carvajal, and a small number of the most notorious offend- 
ers, were punished capitally. Pizarro was beheaded the day af- 
ter he surrendered. He submitted to his fate with a composed 
dignity, and seemed desirous to atone by repentance for the 
crimes which he had committed. The end of Carvajal was suit- 
able to his life. On his trial he offered no defence. When the* 
sentence, adjudging him to be hanged, was pronounced, he care- 
lessly replied, •' One can die but once. v In the interval between 
the sentence and execution, he discovered no signs of remorse 
for ihe past, or solicitude about the future, scoffing at all who 
visited him, in his usual sarcastic vein of mirth, with the same 
quickness of repartee and pleasantry, as at any other period of 
his life. Cepeda, more criminal than either, ought to have shared 
the same fate, but the merit of having deserted his associates ati 
such a critical moment, and with such decisive effect, saved him 
from immediate punishment. He was sent as a prisoner to Spain 
and died in confinement. % 

On die death of Pizarro, the malecontents in every corner of 
Peru laid down their arms, and tranquility seemed to be perfect 
ly re-established. But two very interesting objects still remained 
to occupy the president's attention. The one was to find empioy- 
ment immediately for a multitude of turbulent daring adventu- 



AMERICA. 167 

rers with which the country was filled; as might prevent them 
(from exciting new commotions. The other to reward those, to 
vwhose loyalty and valour he was indebted for his success. The 
Hornier of these he accomplished by appointing Pedro de Valdivia 
to prosecute the conquest of Chili ; and by empowering Diego 
Ee rite no to undertake the discovery of the vast regions bordering 
on the river de Plata ; the reputation of these leaders, and the 
Slopes of bettering their condition, allured many desperate sol- 
Wiersto follow their standard, and drained that part of the coun- 
try of a large portion of that inflammable mutinous spirit which 
Gasca dreaded. The latter was an affair of great difficulty. The 
claimants were very numerous. * 

^That he might have leisure to weigh the comparative merits 
pR their several claims, he retired with the archbishop of Lima to 
a village twelve leagues from Cuzco. There he spent several 
days in allotting to each a district of lands and a number of In- 
ijians, in proportion to his idea of their past services. 

But that he might get beyond the reach of the fierce storm of 

? [amour and rage which he foresaw would burst out on the publi- 
ation of the decree, he set out from Lima, leaving the instrument 
of partition sealed up, with orders not to open it for some days 
after his departure. As he expected, so it happened, but by his 
prudent management the discontented were appeased, and order 
was established. Having now accomplished every object of his 
mission, Gasca longed to return to a private station. He commit- 
ted the government of Peru to the court of audience, and set out 
for Spain, where he was received with universal applause. Men 
less enterprising and desperate, and more accustomed to move 
in the path of sober and peaceable industry, settled in Peru, and 
the royal authority was gradually established as firmly there* as 
in any other Spanish colonies. 



CND OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 



HISTORY OF AMERICA 



VOL. II. 






v 



.vC, 



S 



HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



COLUMBUS, in his third voyage, haying attained the great 
object of his ambition, by discovering the continent of America; 
his success produced a number of adventurers from all nations; 
the year before this, Sebastian Cabot, in the service of Henry 
the Seventh of England, discovered t\\e Northern continent, ot 
which it is intended now explicitly to treat The questions which 
first present themselves to our notice are, from what part of the 
Old World has America been peopled ? and how accomplished ? 
Few questions in the history of mankind have b^en more agitated 
than these. Philosophers and men of learning and ingenuity, have 
been speculating upon them ever since the discovery of the Ame- 
rican Islands by Columbus. But notwithstanding all their labours, 
the subject still affords an ample field for the researches of the- 
man of science, and for the fancies of the theorist. 

Ft has been long known that an intercourse between the old 
continent and America, might be carried on with facility, from 
the north-west extremities of Europe and the north-east bounda- 
ries of Asia. In the year 982, the Norwegians discovered Green- 
laud and planted a colony there. The communicatien with that 
country was renewed in the last century by Moravian missiona- 
ries, in order to propagate tlmr doctrines in that black unculti- 
vated region. By them we are informed that the north-west coast 
of Greenland is separated from America by a very narrow strait; 
that at the bottom of the bay it is highly probable they are united 
that the Esquimeaux of America, perfectly resemble the Green- 
landers, in their aspect, dress, and manner of living; and that a 
Moravian missionary, well acquainted with the language of 
Greenland, having visited the country of the Esquimeaux, found 
to his astonishment, that they spoke the same language, and were, 
in every respect, the same people. The same species of animals, 
are also found in the contiguous regions. The bear, the wolf, 
the fox, the hare, the deer, the roe-buck, and the elk, frequent 
the forests of North America, as well as those in the north of 
Europe. 

Other discoveries have proved, that if the two continents of 
Asi^ *nd America be separated at all, it is only by a narrow 
straits Fronj this part of the old continent also, inhabitants may 
have passed into the new; and the resemblance between the In- 
dians of America and the eastern inhabitants of Asia, would in- 
duce ujg0|3eonjecture, that they have a common origin. This 
opinion is doubted by the celebrated doctor Robertson, in his 
History of America. The more recent and accurate discoveries 
of that illustrious navigator, Cooke, and his successor, Clerke, 
have brought the matter still nearer to a certainty. 



4 -^ HISTORY OF 

The sea, from the south of Bebring's straits., to the crescent of 
isles between Asia and America, is very shallow. It deepens 
from these straits (as the British seas do from those of Dover) 
till the soundings are lost in the Pacific Ocean : but that does not 
take place but to the south of the isles. Between them and the 
straits is an increase from 1£ to 54 fathoms, except only of St. 
Thaddeus-Noss, where there is a channel of a greater depth. 

From the volcanic disposition, it has been judged probable, not 
only that there was a separation of the continents at the straits 
of Behring, but that the whole space from the isles to the small 
opening, had once been occupied by land ; and that the fury of 
the watery element, actuated by that of fire, had, in some remote 
times, subverted and overwhelmed the tract, and left the islands 
as monumental fragments. 

There can be no doubt that our planet has been subject to 
great vicissitudes since the deluge : ancient and modern historians 
confirm this truth, that lands are now ploughed, over which ships 
formerly sailed ; and that they now sail over lands, which were 
formerly cultivated : earthquakes have swallowed some lands 
and subterraneous fires have thrown up others : the sea retreat- 
ing from its shores, has lengthened the land in some places, and 
encroaching upon it in others, has diminished it ; it has separated 
some territories, which were formerly united, and formed new 
bays and gulfs. 

Revolutions of this nature happened in the last century. Sicily 
was united to the continent of Naples, as Eubcea now the Black 
sea, was to Bceotia. Diodorus, Straho. and other ancient authors 
say the same thing of Spain, and of Africa ; and affirm, that by 
a violent irruption of the ocean upon the land between the moun- 
tains of A by la and Calpe, that communication was broken, and 
the Mediterranean sea was formed. Among the people of Cey- 
Ioh, there is a tradition, that a similar irruption of the sea, sepa- 
rated their inland from the peninsula of India; the same thing 
is believed by those of Malabar, with respect to the Maldivian 
isles ; and by the Malayans, with respect to Sumatra. 

The count de Buffon is certain, that in Ceylon the earth has 
lost 50 or 40 leagues, taken from it by the sea. The same author 
asserts, that Louisiana has only been formed by the mud of rivers. 
Pliny, Seneca, Diodorus, and' others, report innumerable^exam- 
ples'of similar revolutions. ^^. ^C 

In the strait which separates America from As^ftteJiy islands 
are found, which are supposed to he the mountaino^^Krjs of land, 
formerly swallowed up by earthquakes; which app^R^ie more 
probable, by the multitude of volcanoes, now known w*!^f*en in- 
sula of Kamtschalka. It is imagined, however, that the sinking 
of that land and the separation of the two continents, has he qui 
occasioned by those great earthquakes, mentioned in the history 



AMERICA. 5 

of the Americans: which formed an sera almost as memorable 
as that of the delude. We can form no conjecture of the time 
mentioned ii> the histories of the Toltecas, or of the year I. 
Teepatl, when that great calamity happened. 

If a great earthquake should overwhelm the isthmus of Suez, 
and there should be at the same time, as great a scarcity of his- 
torians, as there were in the first age of the deluge, it would be 
doubted in three or four hundred years after, whether Asia had 
ever been united by that part to Africa; and many would firmly 
deny it. 

Whether that great event, the separation of the continents, 
took place before or after the population of America, it is impos- 
sible to determine; but we are indebted to the above-mentioned 
navigators, for settling the long dispute about the point from 
which it was effected. Their observations prove, that in one 
place the distance between continent and continent is only thirty- 
nine miles: and in the middle of this narrow strait, there are 
two islands, which would greatly facilitate the passage of the 
Asiatics into the New World, supposing it took place in canoes, 
after the convulsion which rent the two continents asunder. 

It may also be added, that these straits are even in summer-, 
often filled with ice ; in winter frozen over, so as to admit a pas- 
sage for mankind, and by which quadrupeds might easily cross*, 
and stock the continent But where from the vast expanse of the 
north-eastern world, to fix on the first tribes who contributed to 
people the new continent, now inhabited from end to end, is 
matter that has baffled human reason. The learned may make! 
bold and ingenious conjectures, but plain good sense cannot 
always accede to them. 

As mankind increased in numbers, they naturally protruded 
one another forward. Wars might be another cause of migraS 
tions. No reason appears, why the Vsiatic north might not be an 
officina vivorum as well an the European. The overteeming j 
country to the east of the Riphean mountains^ must have found * 
it necessary to discharge its inhabitants: the ivst great increase J 
of people were forced forwards by the next to it; at lengthT 
reaching the utmost limits of the Old World, found a new omA 
with ample space to occupy unmolested for ages: till Columbus^T 
in an evil hour for them, discovered their country ; which brought! 
again new sins and new deaths to both worlds. It is impossi- 
ble, with the lights which we have so recently received, to admit, 
that America could receive its ihhabitatit* (that is the bulk of 
them) from any other place than eastern \sia. A. few proofs 
may be added, taken from the customs or dresses, Common to 
the inhabitants of both worlds. Some have been long extinct in 
tli£old, others remain in both in full force. 

The custom of scalping, was a barbarism la use with the Soy 

?2 



6 HISTORY OV 

thians, who carried about them at all times this savage mark of 
triumph. A little image found among the Calmucks, of a Tarta- 
rian deity, mounted on a horse, and sitting on a human skin with 
scalps pendant from the breast, fully illustrates the custom of the 
ancient Scythians, as described by the Greek historian. This 
usage, vve well know by horrid experience, is continued to this day 
in America. The ferocity of the Scythians to their prisoners, 
extended to the remotest part of Asia. The Kamtschatkans, 
even at the time of their discovery by the Russians, put their 
prisoners to death by the most lingering and excruciating tor- 
ments; a practice now in full force among the aboriginal Ameri- 
cans. A race of the Scythians wevQ named Anthropophagi* from 
their feeding on human flesh : the people of Nootka sound, still 
make a repast on their fellow creatures. 

The savages of No. th America have been known to throw the 
mangled limbs of their prisoners int > the horrible caldron, and 
devour them with the same relish as those of a quadruped. The 
Kamtschatkans in their marches never went abreast, hut followed 
one another in the same track : the same custom is still observed 
by the uncultivated natives of North America. The Tungusi, the 
•mosfc numerous nation resident ia Siberia, prick their skins with 
small punctures, in various shapes, with a needle : then rub them 
with charcoal, so that the marks become indelible: this custom 
is still observed iu several parts of South America. TheTuugusi 
use canoes made of birch bark, distended over ribs of wood, and 
nicely pat together: the Canadian, and many other primitive 
American nations, use no other sort of boats. In fine, the con- 
jectures of the learned, respecting the vicinity of the Old and 
New World, are now, by the discoveries of late navigators, lost 
in conviction : and in the place of an imaginary hypothesis, the 
place of migration is almost ineontrovertibly pointed out. 

This vast country extends from the 80th degree <*f north lati- 
tude, to the 51th degree of south latitude : and where its breadth. 
is known, from the Soih to the 136th degree west longitude from 
London, stretching between eight and nine thousand miles in 
length, and in its greatest breadth three thousand six hundred and 
.ninety; it embraces both hemispheres, has two summers and a 
^double winter, and enjoys almost all the variety of climates, which, 
the earth affords. It is washed by two great oceans: to the 
eastward it has the tlantic, which separates it from Europe and 
Africa ; to the west it has the Pacific or Great South 8ea, sepa- 
rating it from Asia. By these seas it carries on a direct com- 
merce with ail the other three parts oi the World. 

Next to the extent of the New World, the grand objects which 
it presents to the view, must forcibly strike the, eye of an observer. 
Nature seems to have carried on her operations upon a larger 
seine, and with a bolder hand, and to have distinguished the tea- 



AMERICA, 7 

tares of this country by a peculiar magnificence. The mountains 
of America are much superior in height to those in the ot^er di- 
visions of the globe. The most elevated point of the Andes in 
South America, according to Don Ulioa, is twenty thousand two 
hundred and eighty feet above the level of the sea ; vvhich is at 
least two thousand one hundred and two feet, above the peak of 
Tenei iffe, which is the highest known mountain in the ancient 
continent, y 

From the lofty and extensive mountains of America, descend 
rivers, with which the streams of Europe, Asia, or Africa, are 
not to be compared, either for length, or for the vast bodies of 
water, which they pour into the ocean. The Danube, the Indus, 
the Ganges, or the Nile, are not of equal magnitude, with the St. 
Lawrence, the Missouri, or the Mississippi, in Norih America ; 
or with the Aiaragnon, the Orinoco., or the La Plata, in South 
America. 

The lakes of the new World are not less conspicuous for gran- 
deur than its mountains and rivers. 'There is nothing in t\\e other 
parts of the globe vvhich re/rmble the prodigious chain of hikes 
in North America; they might with propriety, he termed inland 
seas of fresh water; even those of the second or third class, in 
magnitude, are > f larger circuit (the Caspian sea excepted) than 
the greatest lake of the ancient continent. _ . 

Various causes have been assigned tor the remarkable differ 
ence between the climate of the New continent and the Old. The 
opinion of the celebrated Dr. Robertson, on this subject, claims 
our attention. "Though the utmost extent c>f America towards 
% the north, be not yet discovered, we know that it advances near* 
" er the pole than either ha u rape or Asia. The latter have large 
"seas to the north, which are open during part of the year; and 
"even when covered with ice, the wind that blows over them 
"is less intensely cold, than that which blows over land in the 
ik sa:ne latitudes. But in America, the hind stretches from the 
" river St. Lawrence towards the pole, and spreads out immense- 
ly to ilia west. A chain of enormous mountains, covered with 
"snow and ice, runs through ail this dreary region The wind 
h passing over such an extent of high and frozen land, become* 
"so impregnated with cold, that it acquires a piercing k« i en:i 

ieh it retains in its progress through warmer climate^ ; and 
iot entirely mitigated, until it reaches the gulf of Mexico, 
" Over all the continent of North America, a north-westerly wind 
" and excessive cold, are terms synonyms. Even in die m 
" sultry weather, the moment that the wind \^ers to that quarter, 
oeaetrating influence is felt in a tra.. heat to cold 

" n ) less violent than sudden. f ) this powerful cause we may 
^ascribe the extraordinary domi iron ot cold, and its vi dent 
¥ inroads into the southern provinces m that part of the globe/" 



8 HISTORY OF 

Of the manners and customs' of the North Americans, the fol- 
lowing is the most consistent account that can be collected from 
the best informed, and most impartial writers. 

When the Europeans first arrived in x\merica, they found the 
Indians quite naked, except those parts which the most unculti- 
vated savages usually conceal. Since that time, however, they 
generally use a coarse blanket, which they obtain of the neigh- 
bouring planters, in exchange for furs and other articles. Their 
huts or cabins are made of stakes of wood driven into the ground? 
and covered with branches of trees or reeds. They lie on the 
floor, either on mats, or the skins of wild beasts. Their dishes 
are of wood, and their spoons of the sculls of wild oxen, and some- 
times of laurel, a hardy wood, very suitable for the purpose; their 
knives and hatchets are made of flint or other stone. A kettle, 
and a large plate, constitute almost the whole utensils of the fa- 
mily. Their diet consists chiefly on what they procure by hunt- 
ing; and sagamite, or pottage, is likewise one of the most com- 
mon kinds of food. The most honourable furniture amongst them 
is a collection of the scalps of their cuemies: with these they or- 
nament their huts, which are esteemed in proportion to the num- 
ber of this horrid sort of spoils. 

The character rf the Indians, is only to be known by their cir- 
cumstances and way of passing through life. Constantly employ- 
ed in procuring a precarious subsistence, by hunting wild animals, 
and often engaged in war, it cannot be expected, that they enjoy 
much gaity of temper, or a high flow of spirits. They are there- 
fore generally grave, approaching to sadness : they have none of 
that giddy vivacity, peculiar to some nations of Europe, but des- 
pite it. Their behaviour to those about them is regular, modest, 
and respectful. They seldom speak but when they have some- 
thing important to observe : and ail their actions, words and even' 
looks, are attended with some meaning. Their subsistence de- 
pends entirely on what they procure with their hands ; and their 
lives their honour, and every thing dear to them, may be lost by 
the smallest inattention, to the designs of their enemies. As no 
particular object has power to attach them to one place, more 
than another, they go wherever the necessaries of life can be pro- 
cured in the greatest abundance. The different tribes, or nations, 
when com j ared with civilized societies are extremely small. 
These tribes often live at an immense distance ; they a»e sepa- 
rated by a desert frontier, and hid in the bosom of impenetra- 
ble woods, and almost boundless forests. 

There is in each society, a certain kind of government which 
with very little deviation, prevails over the whole continent : 
their manners and way of life, are nearly similar and uniform* 
An Indian has no method by which he can render himself con- 
siderable among his companions, but by his personal accomplish 



m AMERICA. 9 

ments, either of body or mind ; but, as nature has not been very 
lavish in these distinctions, where all enjoy the <amc education, 
all are pretty much upon an equality, and will desire to remain 
so. Liberty is therefore the prevailing passion of the American 
Indians; and their government under the influence of this senti- 
jnent, is perhaps better secured, than by the wisest political regu- 
lations. They are very far, however, from despising all sort of 
authority: they are attentive to the voice of wisdom, which ex- 
peuence has confirmed on the aged, and they enlist under the ban- 
ners of the chief, in whose valour and military address, they 
have learned to repose a just and merited confidence. 

Among 1 those tribes which are most engaged in war, the power 
of the chief is naturally predominant : because the idea of having 
a military leader was the first source of his superiority ; and the 
continued exigencies of the state requiring such a leader, will en- 
hance it. His power, however, is rather persuasive than coercive, 
he is reverenced as a father, rather than feared as a monarch. He 
has no guards, no prisons, no officers of justice : and, one act of 
ill judged violence, would pull him from his humble throne. 

The elders in the other form of government, which may be 
considered as a mild and nominal aristocracy, have no more 
power. Age alone is sufficient for acquiring respect, influence, 
and authority ; experience alone, is the only source of know- 
ledge among a savage people. 
Among the Indians, business is conducted with the utmost sim- 

?>licity, and recalls to those who are acquainted with antiquity, a 
ively representation of the early ages. The heads of families 
*neet together in a house or cabin, appointed for the purpose : 
here the husiness is discussed : and here those of (he nation distin- 
guished for their eloquence or wisdom, have an opportunity of, 
displaying their talents. Their orators like those of Homer, ex- 
press themselves in a bold, figurative style, more strong than re- 
fined, with gestures violent, but natural and expressive. When 
the business is over, and they happen to be well provided with 
food, they appoint a least upon the occasion, of which almost the 
.whole nation partake ; the feast is accompanied with a song, in 
.which the exploits of their forefathers are celebrated. They have 
dances too, but chiefly of the military kind, like the Greeks and 
Romans, which inspire the younger with a martial spirit. * 
| To assist their memory, they have belts of small shells fivcim- 
film) or beads, of different colours, each representing a differ- 
ent object, which is marked by their colour or arrangement. At 
the conclusion of every snbject on which they discourse, when they 
treat with a foreign state, they deliver one of those belts ; for, if 
this ceremony should be omitted, ail that they have said passes for 
nothing. These belts are carefully deposited in each town as the 
public records of the nation : and to ihem they occasionally have 






10 HISTORY OF 4 j 

recourse, when any public contest happens with a neighbouring 
tribe. Of late, as the materials of which those belts are made 
have become scarce, they often give some skin in the place of the 
wampum ; and receive in return, presents of a more valuable 
kind, from the commissioners appointed to treat with them ; for 
they never consider a treaty of any weight, unless exevy article 
in it be ratified by some gratification. 

It sometimes happens, that those different tribes or nations, 
scattered as they are, at an immense distance from one aiiot) er, 
meet in their excursions whilst hunting. If there subsist 110 ani- 
mosity between them, they behave in the most friendly and cour- 
teous manner : but, if they happen to be in a state of war, or, if 
there has been no previous intercourse between them, all who are 
not friends are deemed enemies, and they tight with the most 
savage fury. 

War. hunting, and fishing, are the principal employments 
of the men; almost every other concern is consigned to the 
women. 

The most prevailing motive with the Indians for entering into 
a war, if it does not arise from any accidental rencounter, is either 
to revenge themselves for the death of some lost friend, or to ac- 
quire prisoners, who may afcsist them in their hunting, and whom 
they adopt into their society. These wars are either undertaken 
by some private adventurers, or by the whole community. In tin 
latter case, all the young men who desire to go out to battle (foi 
no one is compelled contrary to his inclination N give a piece o 
wood to the chief, as a token of their design to accompany him 
The chief who is to conduct the enterprize, fasts several days 
and carefully observes his dreams during that time : which thi 
presumption natural to savages mostly renders as favourable as lu 
could desire. A variety of other superstitious ceremonies are 
observed. 

The war kettle is set on the fire, as an emblem that they an 
going out to devour their enemies: which among these nations, i 
is probable, was formerly the case : since they still continue to ex 
press it in clear terms, and use an emblem significant of the an 
cient Uhage. Then they despatch a cup or large shell to their al 
lies : inviting them to join in the destruction of their enemies, an* 
drink their blood ; for like the ancient Greeks, they think thai 
those in their alliance, must not only adopt their quarrels, but tha 
they must also have their resentments wound up to the same big' 
pitch with themselves. 

There are no people who carry their friendships or resent; 
ments so far as they do; this naturally results from their pecu 
liar circumstances. The Americans live in small societies, accus 
tomed to see but few objects and few persons : to be deprived c 
these objects to which they are so closely attached, renders thei 



AMERICA. li 

ifftserable. Their ideas are too confined to enable them to enter- 
tain just sentiments oi hun anity, 01 universal benevolence. But 
this very circumstance, while it makes them cruel and savage to 
an incredible deg»ee, towards those with whom they are at war, 
adds a new force to their particular friendships, and to the com- 
mon tie which unites the members of the same tribe, or those in 
alliance with them. 

Without attending to this reflection, some facts which immedi- 
ately follow would excise our wonder, without informing our rea- 
son ; and we would be bewildered in a number of particulars, 
seemingly opposite to one another, without being sensible of the 
general cause from which they proceed. 

Having finished all the ceremonies previous to the war, and the 
appointed day for setting out on their expedition has arrived, they 
take leave of their friends, and exchange their clothes, or what- 
ever moveables they have, in token of mutual friendship; alter 
which they proceed from the town, their wives and female rela- 
tions w alking before, and attending them to some distance. The 
warriors march dressed in all their finery, and most showy appa- 
rel without any order. The chief walks slowly before them, sing- 
ing the war song ; while the rest observe the most profound silence,^ 
W hen they come up to their women, they deliver to them all their *' 
ornaments, and putting on their worst clothes, proceed on their 
expedition. 

Every nation has its peculiar ensign or standard, which is ge- 
nerally a representation of some beast, bird, or fish. Those 
among the Five Nations, are the he^r, otter, wolf, tortoise, and 
eagle, and by those names the tribes are usually distinguished.. 
They have tne^figures of those animals pricked and painted on 
e several parts of their bodies : and when they march through the 
woods, they commonly at every encampment, cut the representa- 
tion of their ensign on trees, especially after a successful cam- 
paign : marking at the same time, the number of scalps and pri- 
e soners they have taken. 

it Their military dress is very singular : they cut off, or pull out, 
s- all their hair, except a spot about the breadth of two crown- 
ti pieces, near the top of their heads, and entirely destroy their eye 
il< 'brows : the lock left upon their heads, they divide into several 
k! parcels : each of which is stiffened and adorned with wampum, 
ai beads, and feathers of various kinds ; the whole twisted into a 
iai form resembling the modern pompoon. Their heads are painted 
£ ljred down to the eyes, and sprinkled over with white down. The 
gristles of their ears are split almost around, and distended with 
wires or splinters, so as to meet and tie together at the nape of 
the neck 5 these are also hung with some ornaments, and gene- 
rally bear the representation of some bird or beast. Their noses 
are likewise bored, and hung with trinkets or beads, and their 



CD 1 



12 HISTORY OF 

faces painted with various colours, so as to make an awful a{> 
pea ranee. Their breasts are adorned with a gorget, or medal 
of brass, copper, or some other metal 5 and the scalping knife 
hangs by a string from the neck.^/ 

The most approved qualities among Indians in war are vigi- 
lance and attention, to execute and avoid surprize; and indeed, 
in these arts they are superior to all other nations in the world. 
Accustomed to a continual wandering in the forests, their concep- 
tions sharpened by keen necessity, and living in every respect ac- 
cording to nature, their external senses have a degree of acute- 
ness which at first view appears incredible. They can trace out 
their enemies at an immense distance, by the smoke of their 
fires whieh the smell, and by the tracks of their feet upon the 
ground, imperceptible to an feuropean eye, but which they can 
count with facility. It is said they can even distinguish the dif- 
ferent nations to which they belong, and determine the precise 
timein which they passed ; when an European with the aid of 
glasses could not discover the least trace of a foot-step. These 
circumstances are of less importance as their savage enemies are 
equally well acquainted with them. 

When they go out, therefore, they take care to.avoid making 
use of any thing that might lead to a discovery. They light no 
fire to warm themselves, or to prepare their victuals : they lie 
close to the ground during the day, when they draw near the re- 
sidence of their enemies, and travel only in the night, and march- 
ing along in files; he that closes the rear, carefully covers the 
tracks of his own feet, and those who preceded him with leaves. 
When they halt to refresh themselves, scout* are sent out to re- 
connoitre the country, and heat up every place where they sus- 
pect an enemy lies concealed. 

In this manner they enter unawares the villages of their foes ; 
and while the flower of the nation are engaged in hunting, massa- 
cre all the children, women, and helpless old men 5 or make pri- 
soners of as many as they can manage, or have strength enough 
to be useful to their nation. But when the enemy is apprized of 
their design, and coming on in arms against them, they throw 
themsehes flat on the ground among the withered herbs and 
leaves, which their faces is painted to resemble. They then al- 
low a part to pass unmolested, when all at once with a tremen- 
dous shout, rising up from their ambush, they pour a storm of ar- 
rows or musket bullets upon their foes. 

The party attacked returns the same cry ; everv one shelters 
himself with a tree, and returns the fire of the adverse partv, as 
soon as they raise themselves from the ground to give a second 
fire; Thus does the battle continue, until tlv; fine so much 

weakened, as to be incapable of fuither resistance." But if the 
force on each side continues nearly equal, the fierce spirits of the 



AMERICA. lS:p 

savages, inflamed by the loss of their friends, can no longer be re- 
strained. They abandon their distant war, and rush upon one ano- 
ther with clubs and hatchets in their hands, magnifying their own 
courage, and insulting their enemies with the bitterest reproaches. 
A cruel combat ensues, death appears in a thousand hideous forms, 
which would congeal the blood of civilized nations to behold ; but 
which rouses the fury of savages. They trample, they insult 
over the dead bodies, and tear the scalp from the head. The flame, 
continues to rage till resistance ceases ; then they secure the pri- 
soners, whose fate, if men, are a thousand times more unhappy 
than those who died in the field. The conquerors set up a hide- 
ous yell to lament the friends they have lost. 

They approach in a melancholy severe gloom, to their own vil- 
lage ; a messenger is sent to announce their arrival, and the 
women with frightful shrieks, come out to mourn their dead bro- 
thers, or their husbands. When they are arrived, the chief re- 
lates in a low voice, to the elders, a circumstantial account of 
every particular of the expedition. The orator then proclaims 
this account aloud to the people ; and as he mentions the names 
of those who have fallen, the shrieks of the women are re- 
doubled. 

The men too join in these cries, according as each is most con- 
nected with the deceased, by blood or friendship. The last cer- 
emony is the proclamation of victory ; each individual then for- 
gets his private misfortunes, and joins in the triumph of his na- 
tion; all tears are wiped from their eyes, and by an unaccounta- 
ble transition, they pass in a moment from the bitterness of sor- 
row to an extravagance of joy. 

But the manner in which they treat their prisoners, is the chief 
characteristic of the savages. The friendly affections which 
glow with an intense warmth within the bounds of their own vil- 
lages, seldom extend beyond them. They feel nothing for the 
enemies of their nation but an implacable resentment. The pri- 
soners who have themselves the same feelings, know the inten- 
tions of their conquerors, and are prepared for them. The person 
who has taken the captive, attends him to the cottage, where, ac- 
cording to the distribution made by the elders, he is to be deliver- 
ed to supply the loss of a relative. If those who receive him have 
their family weakened by war or other accidents, they adopt the 
captive into the family. But if they have no occasion for him, or 
their resentment for the loss of their friends be too high to endure 
the sight of any connected with those who were concerned in it, 
they sentence him to death. All those who have met with the 
teame severe sentence being collected, the whole nation is assem- 
bled at the execution as for some great solemnity. A scaffold is 
erected and the prisoners are tied to a stake, where they be^in 
their death song, and prepare for the ensuing scene of cruelty, 

Q 



#4 HISTORY OF 

with the most undaunted courage. Their enemies on the other 
side, are determined to put it to the proof, by the most cruel and 
exquisite tortures. 
They begin at the extremity of his body, and gradually approach 
the more vital parts ; one plucks out his nails by the roots, one by 
one ; and another takes a finger into his mouth and tears off* the flesh 
with his teeth ; a third thrusts the mangled finger into the bowl 
of a pipe made red hot, which he smokes like tobacco; then they 
pound his toes and fingers' to pieces between two stones ; they cut 
circles about his joints, and gashes in the fleshy parts of his limbs, 
which they scar immediately with red hot irons, cutting, burning 
and pinching them alternately : they pull off his flesh thus mangled 
and roasted bit by bit, devouring it with greediness, and smear- 
ing their faces with the blood ; their passions enci easing in horror 
and fury, they proceed to twist the bare nerves and tendons about 
an iron, tearing and snapping them, while others are employed in 
pulling and extending the limbs in every direction so as to in- 
crease the torment. This continues often five or six hours, and 
sometimes (such is the constitutional strength of the savages.) for 
days together. Then they frequently unbind him. to give a breath- 
ing to their fury, to think what new tortures they shall inflict, and 
to refresh the strength of the sufferer, who, wearied out with such 
a variety of unheard-of torments, often falls into so profound a 
sleep that they apply the fire to awake him, and renew his suf- 
ferings. He is again fastened to a stake, and again they renew 
their cruelty ; they stick him all over with matches of a wood 
that easily takes fire, and burns but slowly, they run sharp reeds 
into every part of his body, they drag out his teeth with pincers, 
and thrust out his eyes ; and lastly, having burned his flesh from 
his bones with slow fires, after having mangled his body in the 
most shocking manner, and so mutilated his face that nothing hu- 
man appears in it, after having peeled the skin from the head, 
and poured a heap of red hot coals or boiling water on the naked, 
scull, they onee more unbind the miserable victim ; who blind and 
staggering with pain and weakness, is assaulted on every side with 
clubs and stones; and falling in+o their fires at every step, until one 
of the chiefs out of compassion or weary of cruelty, puts an end 
to his life by a club or dagger. The body is then put into a ket- 
tle, and this inhuman and horrid employment is succeeded by a 
feast as barbarous. 

The women, forgetting the human as well as the female nature, 
surpass the men in cruelty, and act like furies while this scene ot 
horror is going on : the principal persons of the nation sit around 
the stake looking on, and smoking their pipes without the least 
emotion. But what is most extraordinary, the sufferer hi mself, in 
little intervals of his torments, smokes, appeai-s unconcerned, 
and converses with his tormentors about indifferent matters. Da- 



AMERICA. 10 

ring the whole time of his execution, there seems a contest which 
shall succeed; they, by inflicting the most horrid pains, or he, by- 
enduring them with a firmness and constancy almost above hu- 
man ; not a sigh, not a groan, not a distortion of countenance, 
escapes him : he possesses his mind entirely in the midst of his 
torments: he recounts his own exploits : he informs them of the 
cruelties he has committed upon their countrvmen, and threatens 
them with the revenge that will attend his death ; that they were 
old women who knew not how to put a warrior to death ; and 
though his reproaches exasperate them to madness, he continues 
to insult them with their ignorance in the ait of tormenting ; 
pointing out himself more exquisite methods, and more sensible 
parts of the body to be afflicted. The women have this part of 
courage as well as the men, and it is as rare for an Indian to be- 
have otherwise, as it would be for an European to suffer as an 
Indian. +* 

Such is the wonderful power of an early intuition, and a feroci- 
ous thirst of glory. " I am brave and intrepid," says the savage 
in the face of his tormentors, " I neither fear death nor torments ; 
" those who fear them are cowards ; they are less than women : 
" life is nothing to those who have courage ! may my enemies be 
"confounded with despair and rage: oh ! that I could devour 
" them and drink their blood to the last drop." But neither the 
intrepidity on one side, nor the inflexibility on the other, are mat- 
ter of astonishment ; for vengeance and fortitude, in the midst of 
torments, are duties considered with them as sacred ; they are 
the effects of their earliest education, and depend upon princi- 
ples instilled into them from their infancy. 

On all other occasions they are humane, and compassionate. 
Nothing can exceed the warmth of their affection towards their 
friends, who consist of all those who live in the same village, or 
are in alliance with them ; among these all things are common ; 
their houses, their provisions, and their most valuable articles are 
not withheld from a friend : has any one of these had ill success 
in hunting, his harvest failed, or his house burned, he feels no 
other effect of his misfortune, thaa it gives him an opportunity to 
experience the benevolence and regard of his associates. On the 
other hand the Indian, to the enemy of his country or his tribe, or 
to those who have privately offended him, is implacable. He con- 
ceals his sentiments; he appears reconciled, until, by some treach- 
ery or surprise, he has an opportunity of executing a horrible re- 
venge. No length of time is sufficient to allay his resentment; 
no distance of place great enough to protect the object ; he crosses 
the steepest mountains, he pierces the most impenetrable forests, 
and traverses the most dismal swamps and deserts, for several 
hundreds of miles, bearing the inclemency of the season, the fa- 
tigue of the expedition, the extremes of hunger and thirst, with 



16 HISTORY OF 

patience and cheerfulness, in hopes of surprising his enemy, on 
whom he exercises the most shocking barbarities, even to the 
eating of his flesh. To such extremes do the Indians extend their i 
friendship and their enmity ; and such indeed is the character of 
all strong uncultivated minds. 

The treatment of their dead shews, in glowing colours, the 
strength of their friendship, and warm attachment, to their de- 
parted friends. When any one of the society is cut off, he is la- 
mented by the whole ; on this occasion a variety of ceremonies 
are performed. The body is washed, anointed, and painted. 
Then the women lament the loss with hideous how lings, inter- 
mixed with songs, which celebrate the great actions of the de- 
ceased and his ancestors. The men mourn also, though in a less 
extravagant manner. The whole village is present at the inter- 
ment, and the eqrp$e is habited in the most sumptuous orna- 
ments. Close to the body of the deceased are placed his bo<-\ and 
arrows, and other weapons of war, with whatever he valued most 
in his lifetime, and a quantity of provisions for his subsistence on 
the journey which he is supposed to take. The solemnity, like 
every other is attended with feasting. The funeral being ended, 
the relations of the deceased confine themselves to theii huts, for 
a considerable time, to indulge their grief. After an interval of 
some weeks, they visit the grave and repeat their sorrow, new 
clothe the remains of the body, and act over again all the solem- 
nities of the funeral. 

The most reu-arkable funeral ceremony is wj&t they call the 
feast of the dead, or the feast of souls. The day for this ceremo- 
ny is appointed in the assembly of their chiefs, who give the ne- 
cessary orders for every thing that may conduce to the pomp and 
magnificence of its celebration; and the neighbouring nations are 
invited to partake of the entertainment. At this time, all who have 
died since the preceding feast of the kind, are taken out of their 
graves: even those who have been interred at the greatest dis- 
tance from the villages, are diligently looked for, and conducted 
to this general rendezvous of the dead, which exhibits a scene 
of horror beyond the power of description. When the feast is con- 
cluded, the bodies are drest in the finest skins which can be 
procured, and after being exposed for some time in this pomp, 
are kgain committed to the earth, with great solemnity, which is 
succeeded by funeral games. 

Their taste for war, the most striking characteristic of an In- 
dian, gives a stumg bias to their religion. The god of war, whom 
they call Areskoui, is revered as the great god of their people. 
Him they invoke before they go into the field. Some nations wor- 
ship the sun and moon, as symbols of the power of the great spi- 
rit. There are among them traditions of the creation of the 
world, of Noah's flood. &c. Like all rude nations they are strong- 



AMERICA. 17 

ly addicted to superstition. They believe in the existence of a 
number of good and bad frenii, or spirits, who interfere in the af- 
fairs of mortals, and produce all <wr happiness or misery. It is 
from the evil genii in particular, they imagine all our diseases 
proceed : and it is to the «o -id genii to whom we are indebted for a 
cure. Their priests or jugglers are supposed to be inspired by 
the good trenii in their dreams, with the knowledge of future 
events; they are called in to the assistance of the sick, and are 
supposed to know th(t event, and in what way they must be treat- 
ed. But these spirits appear to be extremely simple in their sys- 
tem of physic ; in almost every disease they prescribe the same 
remedy. The patient is inclosed in a narrow cabin, in the midst 
of which a large stone is made red hot ; on this they throw wa- 
ter, the steam produces a profuse sweat, they then hurry him 
from this hot bath, and plunge him instantly into the adjacent 
creek or river. This method, although it costs many their lives, 
often performs many remarkable cures. 

They are known however, to have considerable knowledge in 
the vegetable kingdom, and the white inhabitants are indebted to 
them for the knowledge of many powerful plants as restoratives, 
and antidotes to the poison of reptiles, with which the woods in 
many parts of America abound. 

Although the Indian women generally bear the laborious part of 
domestic economy, their condition, at least among the tribes of 
North America, is far from being so wretched, so slavish and de- 
pressed, as has been represented by Dr. Robertson and other 
writers. " Their employment, (says Dr. Barton,) is chiefly in 
their houses, except when they are raising their crops of maize, or 
Indian corn, at which times they generally turn out to assist their 
husbands and parents, but they are not compelled to do this.** 
" You may depend on my assertion (says the same gentleman, who 
had ample opportunities of being informed of the customs and 
manners of the Indians?) that there are no people any where who 
love their women more than these people do, or men of better un- 
derstanding, in distinguishing the merits of the opposite sex, or 
men more faithful in rendering suitable compensation. They are 
courteous and polite to their women, tender, gentle, and fond even 
to an appearance of effeminancy. \n Indian man seldom attempts 
to use a woman of any description with indelicacy, either of ac- 
tion or language." I wish we could with propriety adopt the same 
language when speaking of the young men of t\\Q present age, 
who would think it a disparagement to be compared with the un- 
tutored savage of the wilderness. 

In the hunting seasons, t**tt is in autumn and winter, when 
the men are out in the forest, the whole care of the hiuse or fami- 
ly rests upon the woman ; at these times they undergo much care 
and fatigue, such as cutting wojd, &c. but thU labour is in part re- 

0,2 



18 HISTORY OF 

lieved by the old men whose vigour is so far diminished, as not to 
be able to sustain the fatigue of hunting:, or the toils of martial 
achievements. But nothing shows the importance and respecta- 
bility of the women among the Indians, more than that custom 
many of the tribes are. in, of letting their women preside in the 
councils of their country : to this we may add, that several of the 
Florida nations have at different times, been governed by the 
wisdcfat, and the prudence of female caziques. 

Liberty in its fullest extent, being; the darling passion of the 
Indians, their education is directed in such a manner as to cherish 
this disposition to the utmost. Hence their children are never 
chastised with btows. and they are seldom even reprimanded. 
Reason, they say. will guide their children when they come to 
the use of it. and before that time their faults cannot be very i, r reat. 
But blows might damp their fierce and martial spirit; by the 
habit of a sla\ish motive to action. When grown up they expe- 
rience nothing like command, dependence or subordination; even 
strong persuasion is carefully avoided by those of influence among 
them. No man is held in great esteem, unless he has increased, 
the strength of his country with a captive, or adorned his hut 
with a scalp of one ofhis enemies. 

Controversies among the Indians are few, and quickly decided. 
When any criminal matter is so flagrant as to become a national 
concern, it is brought under the jurisdiction of the great council; 
but in common cases the parties settle the dispute between them- 
selves. If a murder be committed, the family which has lost a 
relation prepares to retaliate on that of the offender. They often 
kill the murderer : and when this happens (which is but seldom) 
the kindred of the last person slain, look upon themselves as 
much injured, and to have the same right to vengeance, as the 
other party. 

It is common, however, for the offender to absent himself; the 
friends send compliments of condolence to those of the person who 
has been murdered. The head of the family at length appears, 
with a number of presents, the delivery of which, he accompanies 
with a formal speech : the whole ends as usual in mutual feast- 
ings, in songs and in dances. If the murder is committed by one 
of the same family or cabin, that family has the full right of judg- 
ment within itself; either to punish the guilty with death, or to 
pardon him ; cr to oblige him to give some recompense to the 
wife and children of the deceased. Instances of this kind are 
very rare, for their attachment to those of the same family, are so 
remarkably strong, that it may vie with the most celebrated 
friendships of fabulous antiquity. ^ 

Such in general, are the customs and manners of the Indians. 
But almost every tribe has something peculiar to itself. Among 
the Hurons and the Natchez, the dignity of the chief is said 



AMERICA. 19 

to be hereditary, and the right of succession in the female 
line. When this happens to he extinct, the most reputable ma- 
tron of the tribe, we are informed, makes a choice of whom she 
pleases to succeed. 

The Cherokees are governed by several Sachems, or chiefs, 
elected by the different villages, as are also the Creeks and the 
Ghaetaws: the t,wo latter punish adultery in a woman by cutting 
off her hair : which they will not suffer to grow, until corn is ripe, 
the next season ; but the Illinois, for the same crime, cut off the 
nose and ears. 

The Indians on the upper lakes are formed into a sort of em- 
pire. The emperor is elected from the eldest tribe, which is the 
Ottawa was ; this authority is very considerable. A few years ago, 
the person who held this rank, formed a design of uniting all the 
Indian nations under his sovereignty; but this bold attempt 
proved unsuccessful. > 

In general, the Indians of America Jive to a great age, although 
it is difficult to obtain from them an exact account of the number 
of their years, it was asked uf one who appeared extremely old, 
what age he was of. I am above twenty, said he : hut, upon put- 
ting the question in a different manner, and reminding him of for- 
mer times, and some particular circumstances, my machee, said 
he, spoke to me when 1 was young, of the Incas : and he had 
seen those princes. According to this reply, there must have 
elapsed from the date of his machee's or grandfather's remem- 
brance to that time 23 L 2 years. The Indian who made this reply, 
appeared to be 1-20 years of age : for besides the whiteness of hair 
and beard, his body was almost bent to the ground; without 
showing any other mark of debility, or suffering. This happened 
in 1764. 

This longevity, and state of uninterrupted health, is thought by 
some to be the consequence in part of their vacancy from all seri- 
ous thought and employment; joined also with their robust tex- 
ture, and formation of tbeir bodily organs. Were the Indians to 
abstain from spiritous liquors, and their destructive wars, of all 
races of men who inhabit the globe, they would be the most likely 
to extend the bounds and enjoyments of animal life to their ut- 
most duration *; 

Before we take our leave of the Indian natives, let us attend to 
some other accounts which will set their character in a more 
clear and strong point of view, and rescue it from that degrada- 
tion and obscurity, in which some Spanish historians have endea- 
voured to envelope it. 

Their friendships are strong, and faithful to the last extremity; 
of which no farther proof need be adduced, than the following 
anecdote of the late colonel Byrd, of Virginia, who was sent to the 
Cherokee nation, to transact some business with them. It happen- 



20 HISTORY OF 

ed that some of our disorderly people had just killed one or two 
of that nation. It was therefore proposed in their council, that 
colonel Byrd should he put to death, in revenge for the loss of their 
countrymen. A mono; them was a chief called Silouee, who on 
some former occasion* had contracted an acquaintance and friend- 
ship with colonel Byrd. lie came to him every night in his tent, 
and told him not to he afraid for they should not kill him. After 
many days deliberation, contrary to Silouee's expectations, the 
determination of the council was, that Byrd should be put to death, 
and some warriors were despatched as executioners. Silouee at- 
tended them, and when they entered the tent, he threw himself 
between them and Byrd, and said to the warriors. " This man is 
" my friend: before you get at him you must kill me" On 
which they returned, and the council respected the principle so 
much as to recede from their determination. 

Of their bravery and address in war, we have had sufficient 
proofs ; of their eminence in oratory we have fewer examples, 
because it is chiefly displayed in their own councils. One, how- 
ever, we have of superior lustre : the speech of Logan, a Mingoe 
chief, to Lord Dunmore, when governor of Virginia, at the close 
of a war in which the Shawanese, Mingoes, and Dela wares were 
united. The Indians were defeated by the Virginia militia, and 
sued for peace. Lcgan, however, disdained to be among the sup- 
pliants ; but lest (he sincerity of a treaty should be distrusted 
from which so distinguished a chief absented himself, he sent by 
a messenger, the following speech to Lord Dunmore : " I appeal 
" to any white man to say if he ever entered Logan's cabin hun- 
" gry, and he gave him not meat; If ever he came cold and naked, 
" and he clothed him not. During the course of the last long and 
" bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for 
" peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen, 
" as they passed, pointed and said, < Logan is the friend of the 
" whitemen.' I had even thought to have lived with you, but for 
« the injuries done by one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in 
" cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, 
"not even sparing my women and children. There ruus not a 
"drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This call- 
" ed on me for revenge. I have sought it ; I have killed many ; 
" I have fully glutted my vengeance ; for my country I rejoice at 
"the beams of peace ; but do not harbour a thought that mine is 
46 the joy of fear ; Logan never knew fear ; He will not turn on his 
" heel to save his life. Who is left to mourn for Logan ? not 
" one." 

Another anecdote in favour of the Indian character, related by 
Doctor Benjamin Franklin, deserves a place in thU history. 
Conrad Weiser, a celebrated interpreterof Indian languiges, who 
had been natur aiized among the Six Nations, and spoke the Mo- 
hock language well; gave Franklin the following account. 



AMERICA. 21 

He was sent by our governor on a message to the council at 
Onondago, he called at the habitation of Canassetago, an old ac- 
quaintance, who embraced him, spread furs for him to sit on, 
placed before him some boiled beans and venison, and mixed some 
rum and water for his drink; when he was well refreshed, and 
had lighted his pipe, Canassetago began to converse with him ; 
asked how he had fared the many years since they had seen each 
other : whence he came, and what had occasioned his journey, 
&c. Conrad answered all his questions, and when the discourse 
began to flag, the Indian, to continue it said, " Conrad you have 
u lived long among the white people, and know something of their 
" customs : I have been sometimes at Albany, and have observed 
" that once in seven days they shut up their shops, and all assem- 
" ble in the great house ; tell me what it is for, and what it is 
6i they do there,'' 

6i They meet there," says Conrad, " to hear and learn good 

" things." " I do not doubt," said the Indian, 6i that they tell you 

" so, for they have told me the same ; but I doubt the truth of what 

. " they say, and I will tell you my reasons I went lately to Albany 

? to sell my skins and buy blankets, knives, powder, rum, &c. You 

" know I generally used to deal with Hans Hanson ; but I was a 

" little inclined this time to try some other merchant. However, 

u I called first upon Hans, and asked what he would give for 

4i beaver. He said he would not give more than four shillings a 

" pound, but (says he) I cannot talk on this business now. this is 

" the day we meet together to learn good things ; and L am going 

" to th^ meeting. So ! thought to myself, since I cannot do any 

, tt business to-day, I may as well go to the meeting too : and I went 

n " with him. There stood up a man in black, and began to talk to 

- " the people very angrily. I did not understand what he said; 

" but perceiving he looked much at me and at Hanson, I imagined 

46 he Was angry at seeing me there ; so I went out, sat down near 

^" the house, struck tire and lit my pipe, waiting till the meeting 

" should break up. 1 thought too that the man had mentioned 

" something about beaver, and suspected that it might be the sub- 

" ject of their meeting. So when they came out — ; Well Hans,' 

6i says I, I hope you have agreed to give me more than four shil- 

" lings a pound,' k No/ says he, 4 1 cannot give so much, I cannot 

" give more than three shillings and six-pence.' I then spoke to 

46 several other dealers, but they all sung the same song, three 

" and six-pence, three and six-pence. This made it clear to me, 

"that my suspicion was right; and whatever they pretended 

" meeting to learn good things, the real purpose was to consult 

" how to cheat the Indians in the pri e of beaver. Consider but a 

" little, Conrad, and you must be of my opinion. If they met so 

u often to learn good things, they certainly would have learned 

" some before this time. But they are still ignorant. You knov? 



22 HISTORY OF 

"our practice, if a white man, travelling through our country, 
" enters one of our cabins, we all treat him. as I treat you ; we 
" dry him if he is wet. we warm him if he is cold, and give him 
" meat and drink, that he may satisfy his thirst and hunger : and 
" we spread soft furs for him to rest and sleep upon : we de- 
" mand nothing in return. But if I go into a white man's house in 
"Albany, and ask for victuals and drink, they ask. where is your 
" money? and if I have none, they say get out you Indian dog ! You 
" see they have not learned those little good things, that we need 
" no meetings to be instructed in, because our mothers taught 
" them to us when we were children ; and therefore, it is impossi- 
ble their meetings should be as they say, for any such purpose, 
" or have any such effect ; they are only to contrive the cheating 
" of Indians in the price of their beaver."/ ** ■*• 

I appeal to every sensible professor of Christianity, if there is 
not more force in the reasoning of this unlettered inhabitant of the 
wilderness, than in many of the elaborate discourses of the learn- 
ed divines amongst us, though embellished with all the trappings 
of modern elocution. 

I shall close the Indian character with a short extract, with 
some small variations, from a letter of the justly celebrated Wil- 
liam Penn, the founder of Pennsylvania; who, in the early part 
of the settlement of America, had an opportunity of observing 
their custom and manner of life, before they had been changed 
by so frequent an intercourse with Europeans. He describes their 
persons, manners, language, i elision, and government, in the fol- 
lowing manner. " They are generally tall, straight, well built, 
and of singular proportion ; they tread strong and clever, and 
mostly walk with a lofty chin : of complexion, brown as theg;yp«> 
sies in England. They grease themselves with bears fat clarified ; j 
and using no defence against the sun and weather, their skins must 
needs be swarthy. Their eyes are little and black, not uftlike a 
strait-looked Jew. I have seen as comely European-like faces- 
among them, as on your side of the sea. An Italian complexion 
hath not much more of the white ; and the noses of many of them 
have as much of the Roman. Their language is lofty, yet narrow: 
but, like the Hebrew, in signification, full ; like short hand in 
writing, one word serveth in the place of three, and the rest are 
supplied by the understanding of the hearer. Imperfect in their 
tenses, wanting in their moods, participles, adverbs, conjunctions, 
and interjections: I have made it my business to understand it, 
that I might not want an interpreter on any occasion : and I must 
say that I know not a language spoken in Europe, that hath words 
of more sweetness or greatness in accent and emphasis than 
theirs. 

Their children, as soon as they are born, are washed in water, 
and while young they plunge them into rivers in cold weather, to 



AMERICA/ £3 

harden and embolden them. Having wrapt them in a clout, 
they lay them on a straight thin board, a little more than the 
length and breadth of the child, and swaddle it fast upon the 
board, to make it straight, and thus they carry them at their 
backs. The children will walk when very young, at nine months 
commonly : they wear only a clout round their waist, till they are 
grown up : if boys, they go a fishing till ripe for the woods, which 
is about fifteen; they then hunt; and after having given some 
proofs of their manhood, by a good return of skins, they may 
marry ; otherwise it is a shame to think of a wife. The girls stay 
with ' their mothers, and help to hoe the ground, plant corn, and 
carry burdens. When the young women are tit for marriage, 
they wear something on their heads for advertisement, but so as 
their faces are hardly to be seen, except when they please. 

Their houses are made of poles stuck in the ground, covered 
with mats and bark, in the fashion of an English barn ; their beds 
are reeds, grass, or skins. If an European comes to see them, or 
calls for lodging at their house or wigwam, they give him the best 
place, and first cut. If they come to visit the whitejjata^tants, 
their salutation is commonly, ItahJ w'hich^ygSHfiEp^ say, 
good be to you ! and set them dow^^which is mostfy on the 
ground; sometimes not speaking a wMBrut observe all that 
passes. If you give them any thing to eat oWfnttK^it is well, for 
they will not ask ; and, if it be little or much, if it be with kind- 
ness they are well pleased; else they go away sullen, but say 
nothing. In liberality they excel ; nothing is too good for their 
friend. Light of heart, strong affections, but soon spent : they 
are the most merry creatures that live ; they feast and dance per- 
petually; they never have much nor do they want much. If they 
are ignorant of our pleasures, they are free from our pains. We 
sweat and toil to live; their pleasure feeds them; I mean their 
hunting, fishing and fowling; and their table is spread every 
where : they eat twice a day, morning and evening. In sickness 
itient to be cured, and for it give any thing, especially to 
•their children, to whom they are extremely natural. 

They are great concealers of their own resentments. A tra- 
gical instance fell out since I came into the country : — A king's 
Slaughter thinking herself slighted by her husband, in suffering 
^another woman to lie down between them, rose up, went out, 
plucked a root out of the ground and ate it ; upon which she im- 
mediately died : and for which, he, some time after, made an of- 
fering to her kindred, for atonement and liberty of marriage ; 
as two others did to the kindred of their wives, that died a na- 
tural death. For until the widowers have done so they must not 
Diarry again.^ * 

They believe in God and immortality, without the help of 
metaphysics : for they say : " There is a great King that made 



24 IttSTORY OF 

Ci them, who dwells in a glorious country to the southward of 
" them, and the souls of the good shall go thither; where they shall 
" live again." Their worship consists of two parts, viz. Sacri- 
fice and Cantico. Their sacrifice is the first fruits ; the first and 
fattest buck they kill, they put on the fire, where he is all burned ; 
and he that performs the ceremony sings, at the same time, a 
mournful ditty, but with such marvellous ferment, and labour of 
body, that he will even sweat to a foam. The other part is their 
Cantico, performed by round dances, sometimes words, some- 
times songs, then shouts ; and two (being the first that begin) by 
singing and drumming on a board direct the chorus; their pos- 
tures in the dance are very antick. and different, but all keep 
measure. This is done with equal earnestness, but great appear- 
ance of joy. In the fail, when the corn is gathered in, they be- 
gin to feast one another: there have been two great festivals 
alteady, to which all come that will ; I was at one myself; their 
entertainment was a #reat seat by a spring, under some shady 
tree^, and twenty bucks, with hot cakes of new corn, both wheat 
and beans, which they made up in a square form, in the leaves of 
the stem, and baked them in ashes ; and after that they proceed 
to dancing. But they that go must carry a small present in their 
money (icawpumj* it may be sixpence, which is made of the 
bone of a fish ; the black is with them as gold, the white silver." 

This account of the natives, notwithstanding it in some re- 
spects, differs from what has been observed by other writers, yet 
in general, it serves to establish the most prominent features of 
their character, already exhibited. 

Notwithstanding the many settlements of Europeans in this 
continent, great part of America remains still unknown. The 
northern continent contains the British colonies of Hudson's 
Bay, Canada, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia: the United 
Stages, viz. Massachusetts, with the district of Maine, New York, 
New Jersey, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Ver- 
mont, Pennsylvania. Delaware, Maryland. Virginia, North Caro- 
lina, South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi Territory. Tennessee^ 
Kentucky, Ohio, and Northwestern Territory; Louisiana, in- 
cluding the Island: of New Orleans, purchased of theFrench. to 
whom it had been ceded by the Spaniards: it contains also the 
Spanish Territories, of East and West Florida, New Mexico, 
California and Mexico : besides these there are immense regions 
to the west and north, the boundaries of which have never yet 
been discovered. J Such as have in any degree been known, are 
inhabited by the Ftsqiiineaux. the Aiconquins, the Iroquois, the 
Cheiokecs, the Cliiriusaws* the Chactaws, the Creaks, and many 
other tribes of Indians. Vast tracts of the inland parts are un- 
known, being con Ip?ehendec5 under the geieial name of Amazonia. 
A large distiict ^ilso, said to be the residence oi a gigantic race 



AMERICA. 25 

of men, lies on the east side of the southern continent, between 
the Straits of Magellan and the province of Paraguay. 

This vast country produces many of the metals, minerals, plants, 
fruits, trees, and wood, to be met with in other parts of the globe, 
and many of them in greater quantities, and in high perfection. 

The gold and silver of America have supplied Europe with 
such large quantities, that these precious metals have become so 
common as to be very much diminished in value to what it was 
before America was discovered : it also produces diamonds, pearls, 
emeralds, amethysts, &c. which has been more largely treated 
upon in the first volume of this history. 

Although the Indians still live in the quiet possession of many 
large tracts, America so far as is known, was chiefly claimed by 
three European nations, and divided into colonies, viz. the Spa- 
niards, English, and Portuguese. The Spaniards, as they first 
discovered it, have the largest and richest portion. Next to Spain, 
the most considerable proprietor was Great Britain, who de- 
rived her claim to North America from the first discovery of that 
continent by Sebastian Cabot, in the name of Henry the seventh, 
in the year 149~, about six years after the discovery of South 
America by Columbus. 

This country was in general called Newfoundland until Ame- 
ricus Vespucius, a Florentine, who accompanied Ojeda, a Spanish 
adventurer on a voyage of discovery : and having drawn up an 
entertaining history of his voyage, it was published and read with 
avidity. In his narrative he had the artifice to insinuate, that he 
was the first who discovered the New World. Many of his read- 
ers gave credit to the insinuation, and from him it assumed the 
name of America. The original name of Newfoundland is solely 
appropriated to an island on the north coast. It was a long time 
before the English made an attempt to settle in this country. Sir 
Walter Raleigh, an uncommon genius, and a brave commander, 
first led' the way, by planting a colony, and naming it Virginia, 
in honour of Queen Elizabeth. 

The French, from this period, until the conclusion of the war in 
17o3, laid claim to, and actually possessed Canada, and Loui- 
siana; and comprehending all that extensive country, reaching 
from Hudson's Bay, on the north, to Mexico and the gulf of the 
same name on the south. But in that war, they were not only 
driven from Canada, and its dependencies, but obliged to relin- 
quish all that part of Louisiana lying on the east side of the Mis- 
sissippi. Thus the British colonies were preserved, secured and 
extended so fir, as to render it difficult to ascertain the precise 
bounds i>i empire in North America. To the northward they might 
have extended their claims quite to the pole, nor did any nation 
yfchew a disposition to dispute the property of this northern coun- 
try with theui. From that extremitv they had a territory extend* 

R 



£6 f*fyh)RY (ft 

ing southward to Cape Florida, in the Gulph of Mexico, in the 
latitude of 25° north : and consequently near 4000 miles lone; in 
a direct line; and to the westward, (heir boundaries reached to 
nations unknown even to the Indians of Canada. 7\ 

Of the revolution that has since taken place, by which a great 
part of these territories have been separated from the British em- 
pire, and which has given a new face to the western world, an im- 
partial narrative shall be attempted. It will, however, be difficult 
to avoid some errors; the accounts from which the historian must 
derive his information, partake too much of prejudice, and the 
fabrications of party ; and they want that amelioration which time 
alone can give. 

The state of the British colonies, at the conclusion of the war 
in 1763, was such, as attracted the attention of all the politicians 
in Europe. At that period their flourishing condition was re- 
markable and striking. Their trade had prospered and extend- 
ed, notwithstanding the difficulties and distresses of the war. 
Their population encreased : they abounded with spirited and 
enterprizing individuals, of all denominations ; they were elated 
with the uncommon success that had attended their commercial 
and military transactions. Hence they were ready for every un- 
dertaking, and perceived no limits to their hopes and expecta- 
tions. They entertained the highest opinion of their value and 
importance, and of the immense benefit that Britain derived from 
its connexion with them ; their notions were equally high in their 
own favour. They deemed themselves entitled to every kindness 
and indulgence which the mother country could bestow. Although 
their pretentions did not amount to perfect equality of advanta- 
ges and privileges, in matters of commerce, yet in those of gov- 
ernment, they thought themselves fully competent to the task of 
conducting their domestic concerns, without any interference 
fr,< tn the parent state. 

Though willing to admit the supremacy of Great Britain, they 
viewed it with a suspicious eye. and eagerly solicitous to restrain 
it within its strict constitutional bounds. Their improvements in 
necessary and useful arts, did honour to their industry and inge- 
nuity. '1 hough they did not live in the luxuries of Europe, they 
had all the solid and substantial enjoyments of life, and were not 
unacquainted with many of its elegancies and refinements. Not- 
withstanding their peculiar addiction to those occupations, of 
which wealth is the sole object, they weie duly attentive to pro- 
mote the liberal sciences; and they have ever since their first 
foundation, been particularly careful to provide for the education 
of the rising generation. 

Their vast augmentation of internal trade, and external com- 
merce, was not merely owing to their position and facility of com- 
munication with other parts : it arose also from their natural turn 



•^%Mm^"^ 



27 

and temper: full of schemes and projects; ever aiming at new 
discoveries, and continually employed in the search of means to 
improve their condition. This carried them into every quarter, 
whence profit could be derived, there was scarcely any port of 
the American hemisphere, to which they had not extended their 
navigation. They were continually exploring new sources of 
trade. 

To this extensive and continual application to commerce, they 
added an equal vigilance in the administration of their affairs at 
home. The same indefatigable industry was employed in culti- 
vating the soil they possessed, and in the improvementof their do- 
mestic circumstances; that it may be truly said, that they made 
the most of nature's gifts. 
In the midst of this solicitude and toil in matters of business, the 
affairs of government were conducted with a steadiness, prudence 
and lenity, seldom experienced, and never exceeded, in the best 
regulated countries in Europe. Such was the situation of the 
British colonies, in general, throughout North America : and of 
the New England provinces in particular, at the close of the war 
in 1763. 

In treating of the American revolution, thp English writers as- 
cribe that event to the successful intrigues of the French govern- 
ment; they appear willing to search for the origin in any other 
source than their own misconduct. It has therefore been repeat- 
edly asserted, "that the French having long viewed with envy 
and apprehension, the flourishing state of the colonies which Bri- 
tain had founded in America, began immediately after the peace 
of Paris to carry into execution their design of separating the col- 
onies from the mother country. Secret emissaries, it is said, 
were employed in spreading dissatisfaction among the colonists ; 
and the effects produced by these machinating spirits, are de- 
scribed to have been a rapid diminution of that warm attachment 
which the inhabitants of North America had hitherto demonstrat- 
ed for the mother country." That such emissaries were ever 
employed, is a fact unsupported by any document which the purity 
of historical truth can admit; and although the effects here de- 
scribed, had certainly appeared, it must be remembered, that 
their appearance followed, but did not precede, the attempts of 
Britain, upon the rights and liberties of America. 
That the French should succeed in the arts of intrigue, so far as 
to alienate the affections of the colonists from the mother country, 
and at the close of a war, in which their interests and feelings had 
been interwoven with more than usual strength and energy, was 
not in any sense probable. But if we trace these effects to another 
cause, to alove of liberty, and a quick sense of injury, their ap- 
pearance will be natural and just : consistent with the American 
character, and corresponding with the conduct which was dis- 
played in all the various changes that attended their opposition. 



23 IMHf •? 

In March, 1764, a bill was passed in the British parliament, 
by which heavy duties were laid on goods imported by the colo- 
nists from such West India islands as did not belong to Great 
Eritain : and that these duties were to be paid into the exche- 
quer, in specie; and in thp same session another bill was framed, 
to restrain the currency of paper money in the colonies. Not 
only the principle of taxation, but the mode of collection was 
considered as an unconstitutional and oppressive innovation, as 
the penalties incurred by an infraction of the acts of parliament, 
were to be recovered in courts of admiralty, before a single 
judge (whose salary was to be the fruit of the forfeitures he 
should descry.) 

These acts threw the whole continent into a ferment. Vehe- 
ment remonstrances were made to the ministry, and every argu- 
ment made use of, that reason or ingenuity could suggest, but 
without any good effect: their reasoning however, convinced a 
great number of people in Britain; and thus the American 
cause came to be considered as the cause of liberty. 

The Americans finding that all their remonstrances were fruit- 
less, at last united in an agreement not to import any more of the 
British manufactures, but to encourage te the utmost of their 
power, e\erj useful manufacture among themselves. Thus the 
British manufacturers became a party against the ministry, and 
expressed their resentment in strong terms ; but the ministry 
were not to be easily daunted ; and therefore proceeded to the 
last step of their intended plan, which was to lay on stamp duties 
throughout the continent. Previous to this, several regulations 
were made in favour of the commerce of the colonies; but they 
had imbibed such unfavourable impressions of the British minis- 
try, that they paid very little regard to any thing pretended to be 
done in their favour ; or, if these acts had made any favourable 
impressions, the stamp act at once obliterated every sentiment 
of that nature. 

The reason given for this act, so exceedingly obnoxious, was, 
that a sum might be raised sufficient for the defence of the colo- 
nies against a foreign enemy ; but this pretence was so far from 
giving satisfaction to the Americans, that it excited their indig- 
nation to the utmost. They not only asserted that they were 
abundantly able to defend themselves, but denied the right of the 
British Parliament to tax them at all. 

To enter into the arguments of the contending parties upon this 
occasion, would be superfluous. It was manifest that the matter 
was not to be decided but by the force of arms : and the British 
ministry, confident of the authority and power of that country, 
were disposed to carry on matters with a high hand, to terrify the 
colonists into submission, or compel them by force. 
The Stamp act, after a violent opposition in parliament, was 



b 



passed, and its reception in America was such as might have been 
expected. The news and the act itself, first arrived at Boston, 
where the bells were muffled, and runx a funeral peal. The act 
wag first hawked about the streets, with a death's head affixed to 
it, and styled " The folly of England, mid the ruin of America." 
It was afterwards poblicly burnt by the enraged populace; the 
stamps were seized and destroyed, unless brought on board of men 
of war, or kept in fortified places. Those who were to receive 
the stamp duties were compelled to resign their offices ; and such 
of the Americans a^s favoured the government on this occasion, 
had their houses plundered and burned. 

Though these outrages were committed by the multitude, they 
were connived at by those of superior rank who afrer wards open- 
ly patronized them; and the doctrine became general and open- 
ly avowed, that Britain had no right to tax the colonies without 
their own consent. The ministry now found it absolutely neces- 
sary, either to yield to the Americans, by repealing the obnoxious 
laws, or to enforce them by arms. 

The ferment had become general through the colonies. Virgi- 
nia first, and afterwards ail the rest of the provinces declared 
^gainst the right of Britain to tax America; and, that every at- 
tempt to vest others with this power, besides the king, or the go- 
vernor of the province, and his general assembly, was illegal* 
unconstitutional, and unjust. Non-importation agreements were 
every where entered into; and it was resolved, to prevent the 
sale of any more British goods after the present year. American 
manufactures, though dearer, as also inferior in quality to the 
British, were universally preferred. An association was also en- 
tered into against eating of lamb, in order to promote the growth 
of wool ; and the ladies agreed to renounce the use of every kind 
of* ornament imported from Great Britain. 

Such a general and alarming confederacy determined the mi- 
nistry to repeal some of the most obnoxious Acts ; and to this thev 
were the more inclined by a petition from the first American Con- 
gress, held at New York in lTGo. 

The stamp act was therefore repealed, to the universal joy of 
the Americans, as well as to the general satisfaction of the Eng- 
lish, whose manufactures had began to suffer in consequence of 
American associations against them. The disputes on the sub- 
ject however, were by no aieans silenced ; every one continued to 
irgue the case as violent as ever* Dr. Benjamin Franklin was 
3ii this occasion examined before the house of commons; and his 
jpinion was in substance as follows : ;< That the tax in question 
nras impracticable and ruinous. The very attempt had so far 
jilieuited the affection of the colonies, that they behaved in a less 
friendly manner towards the natives of England than before, con* 
jideriag tlie whole nation as conspiring against their liberty, ^ad 

a 2 



SO Hf^Ptl*** 

the parliament as more willing to oppress than to assist and sup- 
port them. America in fact, did not stand in any need of British 
manufactures, having already began to construct* such as might be 
deemed absolutely necessary, and that with such success, as left 
no doubt oi their arriving in a short time at perfection. The ele- 
gancies of diess had already been renounced for American man- 
ufactures, though much inferior, and tli£ bulk of the people con- 
sisting of fanners, were such as could in no way be affected by the 
want of British commodities, as having every necessary within 
themselves, materials of all kinds were to be had in plenty: ihe 
waul was fine, flax grew in great abundance, and iron was every 
where to be met with." The Doctor also insisted, that "the Ame- 
ricans had been greatly misrepresented ; that they had been tra- 
duced as void ol gratitude and affection to the patent state: than 
which nothing could he more contrary to truth. In the war in 
17;>o, they had at their own expense raised an army of 25,000 
men : and that they assisted the British expeditions against South 
America* with sev< ral thousand men : and had made many brave 
exertions against die French m North America. 

It was said that ihe war 4>f \?55 had been undertaken in defence 
of the colonies : but the truth was, that it originated from a con- 
test about the limits hetween Canada and Nova Scotia, and in de- 
fence of the English rights to trade on the Ohio. The Ameri- 
cans however, would still continue to act with their usual fidelity; 
and were any war to break out in which they had no concern, 
they would be as ready as ever to assist the. parent state to the 
utmost of their power, and would not fail to manifest their ready 
-acquiescence in contributing to the emergencies of government, 
when called to do so in a regular and constitutional manner." 

The ministry were conscious that in repealing this obnoxious 
act, they yielded to the Americans; and therefore, to support as 
they thought* the dignity of Great Britain, it was judged proper 
to publish a declaratory bill, setting forth the authority of the mo- 
ther country, over her colonies, and her power to bind them by 
laws and statutes in all cases whatsoever. This much diminished 
the joy vvith which the repeal of the stamp act was received in 
America, it was considered a proper reason to enforce any claims 
equally prejudicial with the stamp act, which might hereafter be 
set up; a spirit of jealousy pervaded the whole continent, and 
a strong party was formed, determined to guard against the sup- 
posed encroachments of British power. 

It was not long before an occasion ordered, in which the Ameri- 
cans manifested a spirit of absolute independency ;'and, that in- 
stead of being bound by the British legislature in all cases whatso- 
ever, they would not be controlled by it in the most trivial affairs* 
The Rockingham ministry had passed an act, providing the 
troops sutioued in. different parti of the colonies with such ac« 



AMERICA. Si 

commodations as were necessary for them. The assembly of New 
York however, took upon them to alter the mode of execution 
prescribed by the act pf parliament, and to substitute one of their 
own. 

This gave very great offence to the new ministry, and render- 
ed them, though composed of those who had been active against 
the stamp bill, less favourable to the colonies in ajl probability, 
than they would otherwise have been. An unlucky circumstance 
at the same time occured, which threw every thing once more 
into confusion. One of the new ministry, Charles Townshend, 
having declared that he could find a way of taxing America, 
without giving offence : was called upon to propose his plan. This 
-was by imposing a duty upon tea, paper, painters' colours, and 
glass imported into America. The conduct of the New York as- 
sembly, respecting the troops, and that of Boston, which had pro- 
ceeded in a similar manner, caused this bill to meet with less op- 
position than otherwise it might have done. As a punishment to 
the refractory assemblies, the legislative power was taken from 
New York, until it should fully comply with the terms of the act. 
That of Boston at last submitted with reluctance. The bill for 
the new taxes quickly passed, and was sent to America in 1768. 
A ferment much greater than that occasioned by the stamp-act, 
now took place throughout the continent. The populace renewed 
their outrages, and those of superior stations, entered into regu- 
lar combinations against it. X 

Circular letters were sent from Massachusetts colony to all the 
others, setting forth the injustice and impropriety of the behaviour 
of the British legislature. -Meetings were held in all the princi- 
pal towns. It was proposed to lessen the consumption of all fo- 
reign manufactures, by giving proper encouragement to their own, 
Continual disputes ensued betwixt the governors and general as- 
semblies, which were aggravated by a letter from Lord Shelburne, 
to governor Barnard of Massachusetts Bay , containing complaints 
of the people he governed. The assembly, exasperated to the 
highest degree, charged their governor with having misrepresent- 
ed them at the court of Britain; requited him to produce copies 
of the letters he had sent ; and on his refusal, wrote letters to the 
English ministry, accusing him of misrepresentation and partial- 
ity, complaining at the same time mostgreviously of the proceed- 
ings of parliament, as utterly subversive of the liberties of Amer- 
ica, and the rights of British subjects. The governor, at a loss how 
to defend himself, prorogued the assembly, and in his speech on 
the occasion, gave a loose to his resentment, accusing the members 
of ambitious designs, incompatible with those of dutiful and loy- 
al subjects. To counteract the circular letter of the province of 
Massachusetts Bay, lord Hillsborough, secretary for the Ameri- 
caji department, seat another to the governors of the different 



32 HISTORY OF 

colonies, reprobating that sent by the Assembly of Massachu- 
setts Bay, as full of misrepresentation, and tending to excite a 
rebellion against the parent state. 

Matters were now drawing to a crisis. TRe governor had been 
ordered to proceed with vigour, and by no means show any dis- 
position to yield to the people as formerly. lo particular they 
were required to rescind that resolution by which they had writ- 
ten the circular letter above mentioned ; and in case of a refusal, 
it was told them that they would be dissolved. As this letter had 
been framed by the resolutions of a former house, they desired 
after a week's consultation, that a t ecess might be granted to con- 
sult with their constituents ; but this being refused, they came to 
a determination, 9 1 against 17, to adhere to the resolution which 
produced the circular le ter. 

At the same time a letter was sent to lord Hillsborough, and a 
message to the governor, in justification of their proceedings. In 
both, ihey expressed themselves with such freedom, as was by no 
means calculated to accord with the views of those in power. 
They insisted they had a right to communicate their sentiments to 
their fellow subjects upon matters of importance; complained of 
the requisition to rescind the circular letter, as unconstitutional 
and unjust: and particularly insisted, that they were represented 
as harbouring seditious designs, when they were doing nothing but 
what was lawful and right. At the same time they condemned the 
late acts of Parliament as highly oppressive, and subversive of 
liberty. The whole was concluded by a list of accusations against 
their governor, representing him as unfit to continue in his sta- 
tion, and petitioning the king for Ids removal from it. 

These proceedings were followed by a violent tumult at Boston. 
A vessel belonging to a capital trader, had been seized in con- 
sequence of his having neglected some of the new regulations, 
and being taken under the protection of a man of war, at that 
time lying in the harbour, the populace attacked the houses of 
the Excise officers, broke their windows, destroyed the collector's 
boats, and obliged the customhouse officers to take refuge in 
Castle William, on an island situated at the entrance of the har- 
bour. The governor now took the last step in his power to put 
a stop to the violent proceedings of the assembly,, by dissolving 
it entirely; but this was of little moment. Their behaviour had 
been highly approved of by the other colonies, who had written 
letters to them, expressive of their approbation. 

After the dissolution of the assembly, frequent meetings were 
held by the people in Boston, which ended in a remonstrance to 
the governor, to the same purpose as some of the former ; but; , 
concluding with a request, that he would take upon him to order the 
king's ships out of the harbour. While the disposition of the 
BostaiuaftS was thus going or* from bad t? WW9*. ttew* arrived , 



AMERICA. S3 

that the agent of the colony had not been allowed to deliver their 
petition to the king; it having been objected, that the assembly 
without the governor, was not sufficient authority. This did not 
allay the ferment ; it was further augmented, by the news that a 
number of troops had been ordered to repair to Boston, to keep 
the inhabitants in awe. A dreadful alarm now ensued ; the people 
called on the governor to convene a general assembly, in order 
to remove the fears of the military ; who, they said, were to be 
assembled to overthrow their liberties, and force obedience to 
the laws to which they were entirely averse. The governor re- 
plied, it was no longer in his power to call an assembly, having, 
in his last instructions from England, been required to wait the 
king's orders ; the matter being then under consideration there. 
Thus refused, the people took upon themselves to call an as- 
sembly, which they termed a convention. The proceedings and 
resolutions of this body, partook of the temper and disposition 
of the late assembly ; but they went a step farther : and having 
voted, " That there is apprehension in the minds of many, of an 
approaching rupture with France*" requested the inhabitants to 
put themselves in a posture of defence, against any sudden attack 
of an enemy ; and circular letters were directed to all the towns 
in the province, acquainting them with the resolutions that had 
been taken in the capital, and exhorting them to proceed in the 
same manner. The town of Hatfield alone refused its concur- 
rence. The convention thought proper, however, to assure the 
governor of their pacific intentions, and renewed their request, 
that a general assembly might be called; but being refused an 
audience, and threatened to be treated as rebels, they at last 
thought proper to dissolve themselves, and sent over to Britain 
a circumstantial account of their proceedings, with the reason foF 
having assembled in the manner already mentioned. 

On the very day the convention broke up, the troops arrived, 
and houses in the town were fitted up for their reception. Their 
arrival had a considerable influence on the people, and for some 
time put a stop to the disturbances ; but the seeds of discord had 
taken such deep root, that it was impossible to quench the flame. 
The outrageous behaviour of the people of Boston, had given 
great offence in England : and, notwithstanding all the efforts of 
opposition, an address from both houses of Parliament was pre- 
sented to the king; in which the behaviour of the colony of Mas- 
sachusetts Bay was set forth in the most ample manner, and vi- 
gorous measures recommended for reducing them to obedience. 
The Americans, however, continued stedfast in the ideas they 
had adopted. 

Though the troops had for some time quieted the disturbances, 
yet the calm continued no longerthan they were formidable on 
account of the number, but as soon as they were separated by 



34 HISTORY OF 

the departure of a largo detachment, the remainder were treated 
with contempt, and it was even resolved to expel them altogether. 
The country people took up arms for this purpose, and were to 
have assisted their friends in Boston; but before the plot could 
be put in execution, an event happened which put an end to 
every idea of reconciliation betwixt the contending parties 

On the 5th of March 1770. a scuffle happened between the sol- 
diers and a party of town's people; the inhabitants poured 
in to the assistance of their fellow-citizens; a violent tumult 
ensued, during which the military fired upon the populace, killed 
and wounded several of them. 

The whole province now rose in arms, and the soldiers were 
obliged to retire to Castle William to prevent their being cut to 
pieces. Let it be remembered, however, that on the trial, not- 
withstanding popular prejudice and apprehension, the captain 
and six of the men were acquitted : two men only being found 
guilty of man-slaughter. 

In other respects, the determinations of the Americans gained 
strength; until at last, the government determining to act with 
vigour and, at the same time, with as much condescention as was 
consistent wilh its dignity, without abandoning their principles, 
repealed all the duties laid ; that on tea alone excepted : and 
this, it was thought, could not be productive of any discontent in 
America, as being an affair of very little moment; the produce 
of which was not expected to exceed sixteen thousand pounds 
sterling. 

The opposition, however, were strenuous in their endeavours 
to get this tax repealed ; insisting, that the Americans would 
consider it as an inlet to others; and, that the repeal of all the 
rest, without this, would answer no good purpose : the event 
shewed that their opinion was well founded. The Americans op 
posed the tea tax with the same violence, as they had done all the 
rest ; and at last, when they were informed, that salaries had 
been settled on the judg^ of the superior court of Boston, the- 
governor was addressed on the subject; the measure was con- 
demned in the strongest terms; and a committee selected out 
of the several districts of the colony to inquire into it. 

The new assembly proceeded in the most formal manner ta 
disavow the supremacy ot the British legislature ; and accused 
the parliament of Great Britain of having violated the natural 
rights of the Americans, in a number of instances. Copies of the 
transactions of this assembly, were transmitted to every town 
in Massachusetts, exhorting the inhabitants to rouse themselves, 
and exert every nerve in opposition to the iron hand of oppres- 
sion, which was daily tearing the choicest fruits from the fair 
tree of liberty. 

These disturbances were also greatly heightened by an acci 



AMERICA. 35 

dental discovery, that governor Hutchinson had written several 
confidential letters to persons in power in England, complaining 
of the behaviour of the people of the province, recommending, 
vigorous measures against them ; and among other things, assert- 
ing that, "there must be an abridgement of whit is called Brit- 
ish liberty." Letters of this kind had fallen into the hands of 
the agent for the colony at London. They were immediately 
transmitted to Boston^ where the assembly was sitting, by whom 
they were laid before the governor, who was thus reduced to a 
very mortifying situation 

Losing every idea of respect or friendship for him, as their go- 
vernor, they instantly despatched a petition to the king, request- 
ing him to remove the governor, and deputy-governor from their 
places : but to this they not only received an unfavourable an- 
swer, but the petition itself was declared groundless and scanda- 
lous. 

Matters were now nearly ripa for the utmost extremities on 
the part of the Americans, and they were precipitated in the 
following manner. Though the colonies had entered into a non- 
important agreement against tea, as well as all other commodi- 
ties from Britain, it had nevertheless found its way into America, 
though in smaller quantities than before. This was sensibly felt 
by the East India company, who had now agreed to pay a large 
sum annually to government ; in recompense for which compli- 
ance, and to make up their losses in other respects, they were em- 
powered to export their tea free from any duty payable in Eng- 
land : and. in consequence of this permission, several ships freight- 
ed with this commodity, were sent to North America, and prop- 
er agents appointed for taking charge, and disposing of it. 

The Americans now perceiving that the tax was thus likely to 
be enforced, whether they would or not, determined to take every 
possible method to prevent the tea from being landed ; well know- 
ing that it would be impossible to hinder the sale, should the com- 
modity once be brought on shore. For this purpose the people as- 
sembled in great numbers, forcing those to whom the tea was 
consigned, to resign their offices; and to promise solemnly never 
to resume them ; and committees were appointed to examine the 
accounts of merchants, and make public tests, declaring such as 
would not take them, enemies to their country. Nor was this be- 
haviour confined to the colony of Massachusetts Bay ; the rest of 
the provinces entered into the contest, with the same warmth: 
and manifested the same resolution to oppose this invasion of their 
rights. r 

£ In the midst of this confusion, three ships laden with tea, arriv- 
ed at Boston ; but so much were the captains alarmed at the dis- 
po-i ion of the people, thai they offered, providing they could get 
the proper discharges from the tea consignee^ custom-house and 
governor, to return to Britain without landing their cargoes. The 



36 HISTORY OF 

parties concerned, however, though they durst not order the tea 
to be landed, refused to grant the discharges required. The ships, 
therefore, would have been obliged to remain in the harbour : but 
the people apprehensive that if they remained there, the tea 
would be landed in small quantities, and disposed of in spite ef 
every endeavour to prevent it ; resolved to destroy it at once. 

This resolution was executed with equal speed and secrecy. 
The very evening after the above-mentioned discharges had been 
refused, a number of people dressed like Mohock Indians board- 
ed the ships, and threw into the sea their whole cargoes, consist- 
ing of three hundred and forty chests of tea; after which, they 
retired without making any furiher disturbance or doing anj other 
damage. No tea was destroyed in other ports, but the same spi- 
rit was manifested. 

At Philadelphia the pilots were enjoined not to conduct the 
vessels up the river; and at New York, though the governor 
caused some tea to be landed under the protection of a man of war, 
he was obliged to deliver it up to the people, to prevent its being ! 
sold. 

The destruction of the tea at Boston, which happened in 1773, 
was the immediate prelude to the disasters attending civil discord. 
Government finding themselves every w r here insulted and despis- 
ed, resolved to enforce their authority by all possible means ; and 
as Boston had been the principal scene of the riots and outrages, 
it was determined to punish that city in an exemplary manner. 
Parliament was acquainted, by a message from his majesty, with 
the undutiful behaviour of the inhabitants of Boston, as well as 
all the colonies, recommending at the same time the most vigor- 
ous and spirited exertions to reduce them to obedience. The 
parliament in its address promised a ready compliance : and the 
Americans now seemed to have lost many of their partizans. 

It was proposed to lay a tine on the town of Boston, equal to the 
price of the tea which had been destroyed, and to shut up its port 
by armed vessels, until the refractory spitit of its inhabitants wad 
subdued ; which, it was thought must quickly yield, as a total stop 
would thus be put to their trade. The bill was strongly opposed 
on the same ground that the other had been ; and it was predicted 
that insteacWf having any tendency to reconcile or subdue the 
Americans, it would infallibly exasperate them beyond any possi- 
bility or reconciliation. 

The petitions against it were represented by the colony's agent, 
who pointed out the same consequence in the strongest terms, 
and in Ihe most positive manner declared the Americans never 
would submit to it; but such was the infatuation attending every 
rank and degree of men, that it never was imagined the Ameri- 
cans \*cu!d dare to resist the parent state openly ; but would in 
the endp submit implicitly tube? commands. In this confidence a 



AMERICA. 37 

third bill was proposed, for the impartial administration of jus- 
tice, by such persons as might be employed in the suppression of 
riots and tumults in the province of Massachusetts Bay. By this 
act it was provided, " That should any person acting in that ca- 
pacity be indicted for murder, and not be able to obtain a fair 
trial in the province, they might be sent by the governor to Eng- 
land, or to some other colony, if necessary, to be tried for the 
supposed crime." 

These three bills having passed so easilv, the ministry proposed 
a fourth, relative to the government of Canada; which it was 
said, had not yet been settled upon any proper plan. By this bill 
the extent of that province was greatly enlarged I ; its affairs were 
put under the direction of a council, in which Roman Catholics 
were to be admitted, the Roman Catholic clergy were secured in 
their possessions, and the usual perquisites from those of their 
own profession. The council above mentioned, were to be ap- 
pointed by the crown ; to be removed at its pleasure, and to be 
invested with every legislative power, except that of taxation. 

No sooner were these laws made known in America, than they 
cemented the union of the colonies, beyond the possibility of dis- 
solving it. The Assembly of Massachusetts Bay had passed a 
vote against the judges accepting salaries from the crown, and 
put the question, Whether they would accept them as usual, from 
the general assembly? Four answered in the affirmative, but 
Peter Oliver, the chief justice, refused. A petition against him, 
and an accusation, were brought before the governor ; but the 
latter refused interfering in the matter ; but as they still insisted 
for justice against chief justice Oliver, the governor thought pro- 
per to dissolve the assembly. 

In this situation of affairs, a new alarm was occasioned by the 
Port bill. This had been totally unexpected and was received 
with the most extravagant expressions of displeasure among the 
people ; and, while these continued, the new governor, general 
Gage, arrived from England. 

He had been chosen to this office on account of his being well 
acquainted in America, and generally agreeable to the people ; 
but human wisdom could not now point out a method, by which 
the flame could be allayed. The first act of his office as gover- 
nor, was to remove the assembly to Salem, a town seventeen 
miles distant from Boston, in consequence of the latfe act. When 
1 this was intimated to the assembly, they replied by requesting him 
to appoint a day of public humiliation, for deprecating the wrath*; 
of heaven, but met with a refusal. When the assembly met at Sa- 
lem they passed a resolution, declaring the necessity of a general 
Congress, composed of delegates from all the provinces, in order 
that they might take the affairs of the colonies at large, under 
their consideration $ and five gentlemen, who had been remarka- 



33 HISTORY OF 

ble fur their opposition, were chosen to represent that of Massa" 
chusetts Bay. They then proceeded, whit all expedition, to draw 
up a declaration, containing a detail of the grievances, which they 
laboured under; and the necessity of exerting themselves against 
lawless power; they set forth the disregard that had been paid to 
their petitions, and the attempts of Great Britain to destroy their 
ancient constitution : and concluding with exhorting the inhabi- 
tants of the colony to obstruct, by every method in their power, 
such evil designs, recommending, at the same time, a total re- 
nunciation of every thing imported from Great Britain, until a 
redress of grievances could be procured* 

Intelligence of this declaration was carried to the governor on 
the very day that it was completed, on which he dissolved the as- 
sembly. This was followed by an address from the inhabitants of 
Salem? in favour of those of Boston, and concluding with these 
remarkable words, " By shutting up the port of Boston some ima- 
" gine that the course of trade might be turned hither, and to our 
" benefit ; but nature in the formation of our harbour, forbids our 
" becoming rivals in commerce to that convenient mart ; and were 
" it otherwise, we must be dead to every idea of justice, lost to all 
" feelings of humanity, could we indulge one thought to seize 
"on wealth, and raise our foi tunes on the ruin of our suffering 
" neighbours." 

It had been fondly hoped by the ministerial party in England, 
that the advantages which other towns might derive from the an- 
nihilation of the trade of Boston, would make them readily ac- 
quiesce in the measure of shutting up that port, and rather rejoice 
in it than otherwise ; but the words of the address above-men- 
tioned seemed to preclude all hope of this kind ; and subsequent 
transactions soon manifested it to be altogether vain. 

No sooner did intelligence arrive of the bills passed in the ses- 
sion of 1 774, than the cause of Boston became the cause of all the 
colonies. The port-bill had already occasioned violent commo- 
tions throughout them all. It had been reprobated in provincial 
meetings, and resistance to the last, had been recommended 
against such oppression. In Virginia, the 1st of June, 1774, the day 
on which the port of Boston was to be shut up, was held as a day 
of humiliation, and a public intercession, in favour of America 
was recommended. The style of the prayer enjoined at this 
time, was, that " God would give the people one heart, and one 
" mind, firmly to oppose e\ery invasion of the American rights." 
* The Virginians, however, did not content themselves with aets 
of religion only: they recommended, in the strongest manner, a 
general congress of all the colonies: as fully persuaded that an 
attempt to tax any colony in an arbitrary manner, was, in reality . 
an attack upon them all. The provinces of Now York and Penn-I 
sylvania, were, however, less sanguine than the rest, being 6c I 






AMERICA. 39 

♦ 

closely connected in the way of trade with Great Britain, that the 
giving it up entirely, appeared a matter of the most serious ma<jni 
tudeand not to be thought of but after every other method had failed. 

The intelligence of the remaining bills, respecting Boston, 
spread a fresh alarm through the continent, and fixed those who 
had appeared the most wavering. The proposal of giving up all 
commercial intercourse with Great Britain was again proposed; 
contributions for the relief of the inhabitants of Boston were rais- 
ed in every quaiter; and thev received addresses from the other 
provinces commending them for the heroic courage with which 
they sustained iheir calamity. 

The Bostunians, thus supported, did every thing in their power 
to promote the general cause. An agreement was framed, which, 
in imitation of former times, was called a solemn league and co- 
venant. By thi-, the subscribers most religiously bound themselves 
to break off all communication with Great Britain after the expira- 
tion of the month of August ensuing, until the obnoxious acts were 
repealed ; at the same time they engaged neither to purchase nor 
use any goods imported after that time, and to renounce all con- 
nexion with those who did, or refused to subscribe to this cove- 
nant ; threatening to publish the names of the refractory ; which 
at this time was a punishment too serious to be despised. 

Agreements of a similar nature, were immediately entered into 
throughout all America. And although general Gage attempted 
to counteract the covenant by a proclamation, wherein it was de- 
clared an illegal and traitorous combination, threatening with the 
pains of the law, such as subscribed or countenanced it. But it 
was now. too late for proclamations to have anv effect. The Ame- 
ricans retorted the charge of illegality on his own proclamation, 
and insisted that the law allowed subjects to meet, in order to 
consider of their grievances, and associate for relief from op- 
pression. 

Preparations were now made for holding a general Congress. 
Philadelphia, as being the most centrical and considerable town, 
was chosen as the place of its meeting. The delegates of whom it 
; _was composed, were elected by the representatives of each pro- 
vince, and were in number from two to seven from each colony, 
though no province had more than one vote. 

The first congress which met at Philadelphia, in the begin* 
ning of September 1774, consisted of fifty-one delegates. The 
novelty and importance of the meeting, excited universal atten- 
tion ; and their transactions were such as rendered them respect- 
able. The first act of Congress, was an approbation of the con- 
duct of the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, and an exhortation 
to continue in the same spirit which they had begun. Supplies 
for the suffering inhabitants were strongly recommended, as they 
were reduced to great distress by the operation of the Port-bill ; 



40 HISTORY OF 

and it was declared, that in case an attempt should be made to 
enforce the obnoxious acts by arms, all America should join to as- 
sist the town of Boston; and should the inhabitants be obliged, 
during the course of hostilities, to remove further up into the 
country, the losses they might sustain should be repaired at the 
public expense. 

They next addressed general Gage by letter : in which, having 
stated the grievances of the people of Massachusetts colony, they 
informed him of the fixed and unalterable determination of all 
the other provinces to support their brethren, and to oppose the 
cruel and oppressive British acts of Parliament ; that they were 
appointed to watch over the liberties of America; and entreated 
him to desist from military operations, lest such hostilities might 
be brought on, as would frustrate all hopes of reconciliation with 
the parent state. 

The next step was to publish a declaration of their rights. 
These they summed up in the rights belonging to Englishmen ; 
and particularly insisted, that as their distance rendered it im- 
possible for them to be represented in the British Parliament, their 
provincial assemblies, with the governor appointed by the king, 
constituted the only legislative power within each province. They 
would however, consent to such acts of parliament, as were evi- 
dently calculated merely for the regulation of commerce, and se- 
curing for the parent state the benefits of the American trade ; 
but would never allow that they could impose any tax on the co- 
lonies, for the purpose of raising a revenue, without their consent. 
They proceeded to reprobate the intention of each of the new 
acts of parliament; and insisted on all the rights they had enu- 
merated, as being unalienable; and what none could deprive 
them of. The Canada act they particularly pointed out as being 
extremely inimical to the colonies, by whose assistance it had 
been conquered ; and they termed it, » 6 An act for establishing the 
Roman Catholic religion in Canada, abolishing the equitable sys- 
tem of English laws, and establishing a tyranny there." 

They fmther declared in favour of a non-importation and non- 
consumption of British goods, until the acts were repealed, by 
which duties were laid upon tea, coffee, wine, sugar, and mo- 
lasses imported into America, as well as the Boston Port-act, and 
the three others passed in the proceeding session of Parliament. 

The new regulations against the importation and consumption 
of British commodities, were then drawn up with great solemni- 
ty ; and they concluded with returning the warmest thanks, to 
those members of Parliament who had, with so much zeal, but 
without success, opposed the obnoxious acts of Parliament. 

Their next proceedings were, to draw up a petition to the kins;, 
an address to the British nation, and another to the colonies, all of 
which being in the usual strain of American language, adopted 



AMERICA. 4i 

for some time past that a repetition is altogether unnecessary. It 
is sufficient to say. they wen' exerted in a masterly manner, both 
with respect to the stvle and cornp isition, and ou j;h{ to have im- 
pressed the people of England with more favourable sentiments of 
the Americans, than they were at that time willing to entertain. 

All this time the disposition of the people had corresponded with 
the warmest wishes of congress. The first of June had been kept 
as a fast, not only throughout Virginia, where it was first proposed, 
but through the' Whole continent. Contributions for the relief of 
the inhabitants of Boston were recommended, and raised through- 
out the country. Even those who were most likely to derive the 
greatest advantages from the Port-bill, with a generosity unequal- 
led, refused to enrich themselves at the expense of their suffering 
neighbours. The inhabitants of Marblehead, who were among 
the number, though situated in the neighbourhood of Boston, and 
most likely to receive benefit from the stoppage of their trade, 
did not attempt to avail themselves of it; but so far from it, that 
they generously offered the use of their harbour, wharves, and 
stores, rent free. 

In the meantime the British forces at Boston were continually 
augmenting in number, which greatly increased the general jea- 
lousy and disaffection ; the country people were ready to rise at 
a moment's warning; and the experiment was tried, by giving a 
false alarm, that the communication was to be cut off between the 
town and country ; in order to reduce the former by famine to a 
compliance with the acts of parliament. On this intelligence, the 
country people assembled in great numbers, and could not be sa- 
tisfied, till they had sent messengers into the city, to inquire into 
the truth of the report. These messengers were enjoined to in- 
form the people in Boston, that if they should be so pusillanimous 
as to make a surrender of their liberties, the province would not 
think itself bound by such examples ; and that Britain, by break- 
ing their origiual charter, had annulled the contract subsisting 
between them, and left them to act as they thought proper. 

The people in every other respect manifested their inflexible 
determination to adhere to the plan they had so long followed. 
The new councellors and judges were obliged to resign their offi- 
ces, in order to preserve their lives and properties from the fury 
of the multitude. In so ne places they shut up the avenues to the 
court house ; and when required to make way for the judges, re- 
plied, that they knew of none but such as were appointed by the 
ancient usage and custom of the province. / 

They manifested in every place the most ardent desire of 
learning the art of war ; and every one who could bear arms, was 
most assiduous in procuring them, and learning the military ex- 
ercise. Matters at last proceeded to such a height, that general 
Gage thought proper to fortify the neck of land which joins the 

s 2 



42 HISTORY OF 

town of Boston to the continent. This, though undoubtedly a pru- 
dent measure in his situation, was exclaimed against by the Ame- 
ricans, in the most vehement manner; but the general instead of 
giving ear to their remonstrances, deprived them of all power of 
acting against himself, by seizing the provincial powder, ammu- 
nition, and other military stores, at Cambridge and Charlestown. 
This excited such indignation, that it was with the utmost diffi- 
culty the people could be restrained from marching to Boston, and 
attacking the troops. Even in the town itself, the company of 
cadets, that used to attend the governor, disbanded themselves, 
and returned the standard he had presented them with, on his ac- 
cession to the government. This was occasioned by his having; 
deprived the celebrated John Hancock (afterwards President of 
Congress) of his commission of colonel of the cadets. A similar 
Instance happened of a provincial colonel having accepted a seat 
in the new council, upon which twenty -four officers resigned 
their commissions in one day. 

In the meantime a meeting was held of the principal inhabi- 
tants of the towns adjacent to Boston ; the purport of which was 
publicly to renounce ail obedience to the late acts of parliament, 
and to enter into an engagement to indemnify such as should be 
prosecuted on that account: the members of the new council 
were declared violators of the rights of their country: all ranks 
and degrees were exhorted to learn the use of arms ; and the re- 
ceivers of the public revenue were ordered not to deliver it into 
the treasury, but to retain it in their own hands until the consti- 
tution should be restored, or a provincial congress dispose of it 
otherwise. 

A remonstrance against the fortifrxations of Boston Neck was 
next prepared, in which, however, they still declared their un- 
willingness, to proceed to hostilities; asserting as usual their de- 
termination not to submit to the acts of parliament they had al- 
ready so much complained of. The governor, to restore tranquil- 
ity if possible, called a general assembly ; but so many of the 
council had resigned the r places, that he was induced to counter- 
mand its sitting by proclamation. 

This measure, however, was deemed illegal ; the assembly met 
at Salem ; and after waiting a day for the governor, voted them- 
selves into a provincial congress, of which John Hancock was 
chosen president. A committee was instantly appointed, who 
waited on the governor concerning the fortifications on Boston 
Neck ; but nothing- of consequence took place, both parties cri- 
ininating each other. 

The winter was now coming on, and the governor, to avoid 
quartering the soldiers on the inhabitants, proposed to erect bar- 
racks for them: but the select-men of Boston compelled them to 
desist. Carpenters were sent for to New York, but they were re- 



AMERICA. 43 

fused : and it was with great difficulty that he could procure win- 
ter lodgings for his troops. Nor was it >\ith less difficulty that 
he procured clothes ; as the merchants of New York told him, 
" that they would never supply any article for the benefit of men 
sent as enemies to their country/' This disposition prevailing 
universally throughout the continent, was highly gratifying to 
congress. 

It was now generally expected that the ensuing spring would 
be the season of commencing hostilities, and the most indefatiga- 
ble diligence was used by the colonies to he fully prepared against 
such a formidable enemy. Lists of all the fencihle men were made 
out in each colony, and especially of those who had served in 
the former wa- ; of whom they had the satisfaction to find two 
thirds were still alive, and able to bear arms. Magazines of 
arms were collected, and money was provided for the payment 
of troops. 

In vain the governors of the different provinces endeavoured to 
put a stop to these proceedings by their proclamations; the Rubi- 
con was passed, the fatal period was now arrived : and the more 
the 'servants of government attempted to repress the spirit of the 
Americans, the more violent were their exertions. 

At this time the inhabitants of Boston were reduced to great 
distress. The British troops, (now commonly called the enemy,) 
were in absolute possession of it ; the inhabitants were kept as 
prisoners, and might be made accountable for the conduct of the 
whole colonies; various were the means contrived to relieve the 
latter from their disagreeable situation. It was proposed to re- 
move the inhabitants altogether; but this was impracticable with- 
out the governor's consent : others recommended burning the 
town, after valuing the houses, and indemnifying the proprietors; 
but this was found equally impracticable ; it was at last resolved 
to wait for some favourable opportunity, as the garrison was not 
very numerous, and not being supplied with necessaries by the 
inhabitants, might soon be obliged to leave the place. 

The friends of the British government attempted to do some- 
thing in opposition to the voice of the people; but after a few in- 
effectual meetings and resolutions, they were utterly silenced and 
obliged to yield to superior numbers. Matters had now proceed- 
ed so far that the Americans, without further ceremony, seized 
on the military stores belonging to government. This first com- 
menced at Newport in Rhode Island, where the inhabitants car- 
ried off forty pieces of cannon, appointed foi the protection of the 
place ; and on being asked the reason of this proceeding, replied, 
" that the people had seized them, lest they should be made use 
of against themselves;? after this th# assembly met and resolved 
that ammunition and v/ariike »t^ res should be purchased with the 
public money. f 



44 HIST0T1Y OF 

New Hampshire followed the example of Rhode Island, and 
seized a small fort for the sake of the powder and military stores 
it contained. In Pennsylvania, however, a convention was held 
which expressed an earnest desire of reconciliation with the mo- 
ther country; though at the same time in the strongest manner 
declaring, that they were resolved to take up arms in defence of 
their just rights, and defend, to the last, their opposition to the 
late acts of parliament ; and the people were exhorted to apply 
themselves with the greatest diligence to the prosecution of such 
manufactures, a- were necessary for their defence and subsist- 
ence ; such as salt, saltpetre, gunpowder, steel, &c. This was 
the universal voice of the colonies, New York only excepted. 
The assembly of that province, as yet ignorant of the fate of their 
last remonstrance, refused to concur with the other colonies in 
their determination, to throw off the British yoke: their attach- 
ment was nevertheless very faint, and by the event, it appeared,, 
that a perseverance of the measures which the ministry had 
adopted, was sufficient to unite them to the rest. 

In the beginning of February the provincial congress met at 
Cambridge, and as no friends to Britain could now find admit- 
tance into that assembly, the only consideration was how to make 
proper preparations for war. Expertness in military discipline 
was earnestly recommended, and several military institutions es- 
tablished : among which that of the minute men was most remark- 
able. These were chosen from the most active and expert among 
the militia; and their business was to keep themselves in constant 
readiness, at the call of their officers : from which perpetual di- 
ligence they derived their appellation 

"it was now thought that a very slight occasion would bring on 
hostilities, for both parties were so much exasperated by a long 
course of reproaches, and literary warfare, that they were filled 
with the utmost inveteracy against each other. 

On the twenty sixth of February, 1775, general Gage, having 
been informed that a number of field pieces had been brought up 
to Salem, despatched a party to seize them. Their road was ob- 
structed by a river, over which was a draw-bridge. This the 
people had pulled up, and refused to let down : upon which the 
soldiers seized a boat to ferry them over, but the people cut out 
her bottom. Hostilities would immediately have commenced had 
it not been for the interposition of a clergyman, who represented 
to the military, on the one hand, the folly of opposing such num- 
bers ; and to the people on the other, that as the day was far spent 
the military could not execute their design, so that they might, 
without any fear, leave them in the quiet possession of the draw- 
bridge. This was complied with; and the soldiers, after having 
remained some time, at th.e"brid§e, returned without executing 
their orders. % 



AMERICA. 45 

The next attempt was attended with more serious consequence?. 
General Gage understanding that a large quantity of ammunition 
and military stores, had been collected at Concord, about twenty 
miles from Boston, and where the provincial congress was sitting, 
sent a detachment, under the command of colonel Smith and 
major Pitcairn, to destroy the stores; and, as was reported, to 
seize Hancock and Adams, two leading men of the congress. 

They set out before day break, on the nineteenth of April, 
marching with the utmost silence, and securing every one they 
met with upon the road, that they might not be discovered ; but, 
notwithstanding all their care, the continual ringing of the bells 
and firing of guns as they went along, soon gave them notice, that 
the country was alarmed: about five in the morning they had 
reached Lexington, fifteen miles from Boston, where the mili- 
tia of the place were exercising. A British officer called out 
to them to disperse ; but as they still continued in a body, he ad- 
vanced and discharged his pistol, and ordered his men to fire, 
who instantly obeyed, and killed and wounded several of the mili- 
tia ; the detachment then proceeded to Concord, where having 
destroyed the stores, they were encountered by the Americans, 
and a scuffle ensued, in which several fell on both sides. 

The purpose of their expedition being accomplished, it was ne- 
cessary for the king's troops to retreat which they did through a 
continual fire kept upon them from Concord to Lexington. Here 
their ammunition was totally expended; and they would have been 
unavoidably cut oft', had not a considerable reinforcement, com- 
manded by lord Percy, met them. The Americans, however, con- 
tinued the attack with great fury, and galled the British from 
behind stone fences, as they retreated : and had it not been for 
two field -pieces, which lord Percy brought with him, the whole 
detachment would still have been in the utmost danger. 

The impetuosity of the Americans being thus checked, the British 
made good their retreat to Boston, with the loss of two hundred 
and fifty killed and wounded ; that of the Americans about sixty. 
The spirits of the Americans were raised by this engagement, 
' and the power of Britain became less formidable in their view ; 
they now meditated nothing less than the total expulsion of the 
troops from Boston. An army oi twenty thousand men was assem- 
bled ; a line of encampment was formed from Roxbury to Mystic, 
through a space of about thirty miles ; and here they were soon 
after joined by a large body of Connecticut troops, under the 
command of general Putnam, an old officer of great bravery 
and experience. By this formidable force was the town of Boston 
shut up. General Gage, however, had so strongly fortified it, that 
the enemy, powerful as they were, feared to make the attack. 

But towards the end of May a considerable reinforcement hav- 
ing arrived, with the generals, Howe, Burgoyne. and Clinton, he 



4 o HISTORY OF 

was soon enabled to attempt something of consequence : and this 
the boast of the provincials seemed to render necessary. Some 
skirmishing, in the meantime, happened in the island lying off 
Boston harbour ; in which the Americans had the advantage, and 
burnt an armed schooner. Nothing decisive, however, took place, 
till the seventeenth of June. In the neighbourhood of Charles - 
town, a place on the northern shore, opposite the peninsula on 
which Boston stands, is a high ground, called Bunker's-hill, 
which overlooks and commands the whole town of Boston. On 
the sixteenth, the provincials took possession of this place ; and 
worked with such indefatigable industry that, \o the astonishment 
of their enemies, they had before day-light, almost completed a 
retfoubt, with a strong entrenchment, reaching half a mile east- 
ward, as far as the river Mystic. 

After this, they were obliged to sustain a heavy and incessant 
fire from the ships and floitinaj batteries, with which Charlestown 
neck was surrounded ; as well as the cannon that could reach the 
place from Boston. In spite of ail opposition, they continued their 
work, and finished it before mid day. A considerable body of foot 
was then landed at the foot of Bunker's-hill, under the command 
of generals Howe and Pigot the former being appointed to attack 
the lines, and the latter the redoubt. The Americans having the 
advantage of the ground, as well as of entrenchments, poured 
down upon the British such incessant vollies, as threatened the 
whole body with destruction ; and general Howe was for some time 
left almost alone ; all his officers being either killed or wounded. 
The provincials, in the meantime, had taken possession of 
Charlestown, so that general Pigot was obliged to contend with 
them in that place, as well as those in the redoubt. The conse- 
quence was, that he was overmatched ; his troops weie thrown 
into disorder, and he would, in all probability, have been defeated, 
had not general Clinton advanced to his relief: upon which the 
attack was renewed with fresh fury, so that the provincials were 
driven beyond the neck that leads to Charlestown. 

In the heat of the engagement, the British troops, in order to 
deprive the enemy of a cover, set fire to Charlestown, which was 
totally consumed ; and, eventually, the Americans were obliged to 
retreat over Charlestown neck, which was incessantly raked by 
the fire of the Glasgow man of war, and several floating batteries. 
The loss on the side of the British was computed at one thousand ; 
among whom were nineteen officers killed and seventy wounded. 
The loss of the Americans did not exceed five hundred. 

This was a dear-bought victory to the British. The Americans 
boasted that the advantage lay on their side, as they had so weak- 
ened the enemy, that they durst not afterwards move out of their 
entrenchments. This being the first time the provincials were 
in actual service, it must be owned they behaved with great spirit; 



AMERICA. At 

and by no means merited the appellation of cowards, with which 
they were so often branded in Britain. In other places the same 
determined spirit appeared. 

Lord North's conciliatory scheme was utterly rejected by the 
assemblies of Pennsylvania and New Jersey ; and afterwards in 
every other province. The affray at Lexington determined the 
colony of New York, which had hitherto continued to waver ; and 
as the situation of New York rendered it unable to resist an attack 
from the sea, it was resolved, before the arrival of a British fleet, 
to secure the military stores, send off the women and children, 
and to set fire to the city, if it was still found incapable of defence. 

The exportation of provisions was every where prohibited, 
particularly to the British fishery on the banks of Newfoundland, 
or to such other colonies in America, as should adhere to the Bri- 
tish interest. Congress resolved on the establishment of an army, 
and of a lar«;e paper currency, in order to support it. 

In the inland northern colonies, colonels Eastonand Ethan Al- 
len, wiihout receiving any orders from Congress, or communi- 
cating their design to any body, with a party of two hundred and 
fifty men, surprised the forts of Crown point and Ticonderoga, 
and those that formed a communication betwixt the colonies and 
Canada. On this occasion two hundred cannon fell into their 
hands, some brass field-pieces, mortars and military stores, toge- 
ther with two armed vessels, and materials for the construction 
of others. 

After the battle of BunkerVhill, the provincials erected forti- 
fications on the heights which commanded Charlestown, and 
strengthened the rest in such a manner, that there was no hope 
of their being driven from thence; at the same time, their bold- 
ness and activity astonished the British officers, who had been 
accustomed to entertain a mean and unjust opinion of their 
courage. A . 

The troops shut up in Boston, were soon reduced to distress. 
They were obliged to attempt carrying off the cattle on the 
islands before Boston, which produced frequent skirmishes ; but 
the provincials, better acquainted with the navigation of the 
shores, landed on the islands, and destioyed or carried off what- 
ever was of any use, burned the light house at the entrance of the 
harbour, and took prisoners the workmen employed to repair it, 
as well as a party of marines sent to protect them. Thus the 
garrison was reduced to the necessity of sending out armed ves- 
sels, to make prizes indiscriminately of all that came in their way, 
and of landing in different places, to plunder for subsistence, as 
well as they could. 

The Congress in the meantime continued to act with vigour. 
Articles of confederation and perpetual union were drawn up, 
and solemnly agreed tu ; by w inch they bound themselves and 
their posterity forever, as follows : / 



48 HISTORY OF 

1. Each colony was to be independent within itself, and to re- 
tain an absolute sovereignty in all domestic affairs. 

2. Delegates to be annually elected, to meet in Congress, at 
such time and place as should be enacted in the preceding Con- 
gress. 

3. This assembly should have the power of determining war, 
or peace, making alliances; and in short, all that power which 
sovereigns of states usually claim as their own. 

4. The expenses were to be paid out of the common treasury, 
and raised by a poll-tax on males between 16 and 60, the pro- 
portions to be determined by the laws of the colony. 

5. An executive council to be appointed to act in place of the 
Congress during its recess. 

6. No colony to make war with the Indians without consent of 
Congress. 

7. The boundaries of all the Indian lands to be ascertained and 
secured to them ; and no purchase of lands were to be made 
by individuals, or even by a colony, without consent of Congress. 

8. Agents appointed by Congress should reside among the In- 
dians, to prevent frauds in trading with them, and to relieve, at 
the public expense, their wants and distresses. 

9. This confederation to last until there should be a reconcilia- 
tion with Britain; or if that event should not take place, it was 
to be perpetual. 

After the action of BunkerVhill, however, when the power of 
Great Britain appeared less formidable to the Americans than be- 
fore, Congress proceeded to justify their proceedings, in a decla- 
ration drawn up in terms more expressive, and well calculated to 
excite attention. " Were it possible (said they) for men who ex- 
ercise their reason, to beliexe that the Divine Author of our exis- 
tence intended a part of the human race to hold an absolute pro- 
perty in, and unbounded power over others, marked out by his 
infinite goodness as the objects of a legal denomination, nevei to be 
resisted however severe and oppressive. The inhabitants of 
these colonies, might at least require from the parliament of Great 
Britain, some evidence that this dreadful authority over them had 
been granted to that body : but a reverence for our great Creator, 
principles of humanity, and the dictates of common sense must 
convince all these who reflect on the subject, that government was 
instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to ke 
administered to the attainment of that end. 

The legislature of Great Britain, stimulated by an inordinate 
passion for power, not onlj unjustifiable, but which they knew to 
be peculiarly repugnant »o the constitution of that kingdom, and 
despairing of success in any mode of contest where regard should 
be had to law . truth, or right, have at length, deserting those, at- 
tempted to effect their cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving 



) 



AMERICA. 41) 

these colonies, by violence ; and have thereby rendered it neces- 
sary for us to close with their last appeal from reason, to arm?. 

Yet, however blind that assembly may be, by their intemperate 
rage for unlimited domination, so to slight justice in the opinion of 
mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations to the restof 
the world, to make known the justice of our cause." 

After taking notice of the manner in which their ancestors left 
Britain, the happiness attending the mutual and friendly inter- 
course betwixt that country and her colonies, and the remarkable 
success in the late war ; they proceed as follows : u The new 
ministry finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently de- 
feated, yet still contending, look up to the unfortunate idea of 
granting them a hasty peace, and of then subduing her faithful 
friend. 

These devoted colonies, were judged to be in such a state as to 
prevent victories without bloodshed ; and all the easy emolument 
of statutable plunder. The uninterrupted tenor of their peaeea- 
ble and respectful behaviour, from the beginning of their coloniza- 
tion; their dutiful, zealous, and useful services, during the war, 
though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most honour- 
able manner, by his Majesty, the late king, and by parliament, 
could not save them from the intended innovations. Parliament 
was influenced to adopt the pernicious project ; and assuminga 
new power over them, has, in the course of eleven years, given 
such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending 
this power, as to leave no doubt of the effects of acquiescence 
under it. 

They have undertaken to give and grant our money without 
our consent; though we have ever exercised an exclusive right 
to dispose of our own property. Statutes have been passed for ex- 
tending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty, and vice admi- 
ralty, beyond their ancient limits : for depriving us of the accus- 
tomed and inestimable rights of trial by jury, in cases affecting 
both life and property: for suspending the legislature of one of 
our colonies ; for interdicting all commerce to the capital of ano- 
ther; and far altering fundamentally the form of government es- 
tablished by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature, 
and solemnly confirmed by the crown; for exempting murderers 
from legal trial, and in effect from punishment ; for erecting in a 
neighbouring province, acquired by the joint arms of Great Bri- 
tain and America, a disposition dangerous to our very existence; 
and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time of profound 
peace. It has also been resolved in parliament, that colonists, 
charged with committing certain offences, shall be transported to 
England to be tried. But why should we enumerate our injuries 
in detail ? By one statute it was declared that parliament can, 
of right, make laws to bind us in all cases whatever. What is to 

T 



50 HISTORY OF 

defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power : Not a sin- 
gle person who resumes it, is chosen by us, or is subject to our 
control or influence; but on the contrary, they are ail of them 
exempt from the operation of such laws; and an American re- 
venue, if not diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is 
raised, would actually lighten their own burdens in proportion 
as it increases ours. 

We saw the misery to which such despotism would reduce us. 
We for ten years incessantly and ineffectually besieged the throne 
as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated with parliament, 
in the most mild and decent language ; but administration, sen- 
sible that we should regard these measures as freemen ought to 
do, sent over fleets and armies to enforce them. 

We have pursued every temperate, every respectful measure ; 
we have even proceeded to break off all commercial intercourse 
with our fellow subjects, as our last peaceable admonition, that our 
attachment to no nation on earth would supplant our liberty ; this 
we flattered ourselves was the ultimate step of the controversy; 
but subsequent events had shown how vain was this hope of find- 
ing moderation in our enemies ! 

The lords and commons in their address in the month of Feb- 
ruary, 1775, said, that a rebellion at that time actually existed in 
the province of Massachusetts Bay ; and that those concerned in 
it had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combina- 
tions, and engagements entered into by his majesty's subjects in 
several of the colonies ; and therefore they besought his majesty 
that he would take the most effectual measures to enforce due 
obedience to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature. 
Soon after, the commercial intercourse of those colonies with fo- 
reign countries was cut off by an act of parliament; by another, 
several of them were entirely prohibited from the fisheries in the 
seas near their coasts, on which they always depended for their 
subsistence; and large reinforcements of ships and troops were 
immediately sent over to general Gage. Fruitless were all the en- 
treaties, arguments and eloquence, of an illustrious band of the 
most distinguished peers and commoners, who nobly and strenu- 
ously asserted the justice of our cause, to stay, or even to mitigate 
the heedless fury with which these accumulated outrages were hur- 
ried on. Equally fruitless was the interference of the city of Lon- 
don, of Bristol, and of many other respectable towns in our favour. 
After having reproached parliament, general Gage, and the 
British government in general, they proceed thus, <• We are re- 
duced to the alternative of thoo>ing an unconditional submission to 
tyranny, or resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We 
have counted the egst of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful 
as voluntary slavery. Honour, justice and humanity, forbid us 
tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from ous 



AMERICA. 51 

gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right 
to receive from us. Our cause is just ? our union is perfect : our 
internal resources are great; and if necessary, foreign assistance 
is undoubtedly attainable. We fight not for glory or conquest ; we 
exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked 
by unprovoked enemies. They boast of their privileges and civil- 
ization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or 
death. In our native land, in defence of the freedom that is our 
birthright, for the protection of our property, acquired by the honest 
industry of our forefathers, and our own, against violence actually 
offered we have taken up arms ; we shall lay them down when 
hostilities shall cease on the part of our aggressors, and all danger 
of their being renewed shall be removed and not before." 

These are some of the most striking passages in the declaration 
of congress on taking up arms against Great Britain. Without 
inquiring whether the principles on which it is founded are right 
or wrong, the determined spirit which it shows, ought to have con- 
vinced the ministry that the conquest of America was an event not 
reasonably to be expected. In every other respect an equal spirit 
was shown ; and the rulers of the British nation had the mortifi- 
cation to see those whom they styled rebels and traitors, succeed 
in negotiations in which they themselves were utterly foiled. In 
passing the Quebec bill the ministry had flattered themselves 
that the Canadians would be so much attached to them on account 
of restoring the French laws, that they would readily join in any 
attempt against the colonists, who had reprobated that bill in 
such strong terms ; but in this, as in every thing else, they found 
themselves much mistaken. 

The Canadians having been subject to the British government 
for a period of fifteen years, and being thus made sensible of the 
superior advantages of the laws of that country, received the bill 
with evident marks of disapprobation; so far that they repro- 
bated it as tyranieal and oppressive. 

A Scheme had been formed by general Carleton, governor of 
the province, io raise an army of Canadians wherewith to act 
against the Americans ; and so sanguine were the hopes of ad- 
ministration, in this respect, that they had sent twenty thousand 
stands of arms and a great quantity of military stores to Quebec, 
for that purpose. But the people though they did not join the 
Americans, yet were found immoveable in their purpose to remain 
neuter. Application was made to the Bishop ; but he declined to 
use his influence, as contrary to the rules of the popish clergy ; so 
that the utmost efforts of government in this province were found 
abortive. 

The British administration next tried to engage the Indians in 
their cause. But though agents were dispersed among them with 
large presents to the chiefs, they universally replied, that they did 



52 HISTORY OF 

not understand the nature of the quarrel, nor could they distm 
gjsish whether those who dwelt in America, or those on the other 
side of the ocean, were in fault ; but they were surprised to see 
Englishmen ask their assistance against one another, and advised 
them to be reconciled, and not to think of shedding the blood 
of their brethren. 

To the representations of Congress they paid more attention. 
These informed them that the English on the other side of the 
ocean, had taken up arms to enslave, not only their countrymen in 
America, but the Indians also i and if they overcame the colonists, 
themselves would soon be reduced to slavery also. The savages, 
pen maturely weighing the subject, concluded to remain neuter; 
and thus the colonists were freed from the most dangerous enemy. 
On this occasion congress held a solemn conference with the 
different tribes of Indians. A speech was proposed, which exhi- 
bits a specimen of the manner in which Europeans always address 
i he savage inhabitants of America. 

< \ Broth ers, 8a diem s, a nd Warriors ! 

ci We, the delegates from the twelve united provinces, now 
" sitting in general congress at Philadelphia, send our talk to you 
;ir brothers, 

6i Brothers and Friends now attend! « 

<*W,hen onr fathers crossed the great water, and came over 

;; to thisland, the king of England gave them a talk, promising 

iv:ra that they and their children should be his children, and 

• if they would leave their native country, and make settlements, 
•'and live here, and buy, and sell, and trade with their brethren 

* beyond the great water, they should still keep hold of the same 
• ; covenant chain, and enjoy peace : and it was covenanted, that 
* ; the fields, houses, goods and possessions, which our fathers 
u should acquire, should remain to them as their own, and be 
" their children's for ever, and at their sole disposal. 



" Brothers and Friends open an ear! 

M We will now te\] you of the quarrel betwixt the counsellors 
" of king Geome and the inhabitants of the colonies of America. 

" Many of his counsellors have persuaded him to break the 
" covenant chain, and not to send us any more good talks. They 
<•' have prevailed upon him to enter into a covenant against us,, and 
" have torn asunder, and cast behind their backs, the good old 
" covenant which tjieir ancestors and ours entered into, and took 
4i strong hold of. They now tell us they will put their hands into 
< 4 our pockets without asking, as though it were their own : and at 



AMERICA. 53 

H their will and pleasure, thev will take from us our charter, or 
" written civil constitution, which we love as our lives; also our 
" plantations. «ur houses, and our goods, whenever they please, 
" without asking our leave. Thev tell us also, that our vessels may 
"go to that or this island in the sea. hut to this or that particular 
" island we shall not trade any more; and in case of our non-com- 
" pliance with these new orders, they shut up our harbours. 

" Brothers, we live on the same ground with you ; the same 
• ; island is our common birth place. We desire to sit down under 
" the same tree of peace with you : let us water its roots, and 
" cherish the growth, till the large leaves and flourishing branches 
" shall extend to the setting sun, and reach the skies. If any 
" thing disagreeable should ever fall out between us, the twelve 
" United Colonies, and you, the Six nations, to wound our peace, 
* ; let us immediately seek measures for healing the breach. From 
i; the preset situation of our affairs, we judge it expedient to kin- 
" die up a sTfcall fire at Albany, where we may hear each other's 
Invoice, and disclose our minds fully to one another." 
J^The other remarkable transactions of this Congress, were the 
^Ultimate refusal of the conciliatory proposal made by lord North, 
jcfi which such sanguine expectations had been formed by the Eng- 
lish ministry ; and the appointment of a generalissimo to com- 
mand their armies which were now very numerous. The person 
pj^en for this purpose was George Washington, a man univer- 
s^f beloved ; he was raised to the high station of Commander 
in Chief, by the unanimous voice of Congress, in 1775: and his 
subsequent couduct shewed him every way worthy of it. Horatio 
ICHites $jtd Charles Lee, two English officers of considerable re- 
putation, were also chosen ; the former adjutant- general, the lat- 
ter major-general. Artemas W r ard, Philip Schuyler, and Israel 
Putnam, were likewise nominated major-generals. Seth Pome- 
roy, Richard Montgomery, David Wooster, William Heath, 
John Thomas, John Sullivan, and Nathaniel Green, were chosen 
brigadier-generals at the same time. 

About this period Georgia sent deputies to congress expressing 
their desire to join the confederacy. The reasons they gave for 
their renouncing their allegiance to Britain was, that the conduct 
of parliament towards the other colonies had been oppressive ; and 
though the obnoxious acts had not been extended to them, they 
could view this only as an omission because of the seeming little 
consequence of their colony ; and therefore looked upon it rather 
as a slight than a favour. At the same time, they framed a pe- 
tition to the king, similar to that sent by the other colonies, and 
which met a similar reception. 

The success which had hitherto attended the Americans now 
emboldened them to act offensively against Great Britain. The 
conquest of Canada appeared to be practicable, and which would 

x2 



54 HISTORY OF 

he attended with many advantages ; and as Crown Point andTi- 
cowieroga were : already in their hands, the invasion that way 
might be easily ejected, and supposed that Quebec might be re- I 
duced during the winter, before the fleets and armies, which they | 
were well assured would sail thither from Britain, should arrive. 

Congress therefore ordered three thousand men under the com- 
mand of generals Montgomery and Schuyler to proceed to Lake 
Champlain? from whence they were to be conveyed in flat-bot- 
tomed boats to the mouth of the river Sorrel, a branch of the river 
St. Lawrence, and on which is situated a fort of the same name 
with the river. On the other hand they were opposed by general 
Carleton, governor of Canada, a man of great activity and expe- 
rience in war : who with a small number of troops, had been able 
to keep in awe the disaffected people in Canada, notwithstand- 
ing all the representations of the colonists. H« had now aug- 
mented his army with a number of Indians, and promised, even 
in his present situation, to make a formidable resistance. 

When general Montgomery arrived at Crown Point, he re- 
ceived information that several armed vessels were stationed ffc 
St. Jflhns. a strong fort on the Sorrel, with a view to prevent hi^ 
crossing the lake : on which he took possession of an island which 
commands the mouth of the Sorrel, and by which he could prevent 
them from entering the lake. In conjunction with general Schuy- 
ler, he next proceeded to St. Johns; but finding that placebo: 
strong, it was agreed in a council of war, to retire to Isle*lMrc 
Noix, where general Schuyler being taken ill, Montgomery was 
left to command alone. His first step was to gain over the Indi 
ans, whom general Carleton had employed, and thiste in parr 
accomplished ; after which, on receiving the full number of troopi 
appointed for the expedition, he determined to lay siege to St* 
Johns ; in this he was the more encouraged by the reduction of 
Chamblee, a small fort in the neighbourhood, where he found a 
large supply of powder. An attempt was made by General 
Carleton to relieve the place; for which purpose he collected 
one thousand Canadians, while colonel Maclean proposed to 
raise a regiment of the Highlanders, who had emigrated from 
their own country to America. 

But while General Carleton was on his march with these new 
levies, he was attacked by the provincials, and defeated ; which 
being made known to Macdonald's party they abandoned him 
without striking a blow, and he was obliged to retreat to Quebec. 
The defeat of General Carleton was considered as a sufficient re- 
compense for that of colonel Etiieu Allen, which had happened a 
short time previous to this. 

The success of colonel Allen against Crown Point and Ticonde- 
roga had emboldened him to make a similar attempt on Mon- 
treal ; but the militia of the place supported by a detachment of 
regulars, entirely defeated him, and he was taken prisoner.. 



AMERICA. 55 

The garrison of St. Johns being informed of the defeat of ge- 
neral Carleton, and seems; no hope of relief, surrendered them- 
selves prisoners of war. They were in number five hundred re- 
gulars and two hundred Canadians, among whom were many of 
the French nobility, who had been very active in promoting the 
cause of Britain, among their countrymen. General Montgomery 
next took measures to prevent the British shipping from passing 
down the river from Montreal to Quebec. This he accomplished 
so effectually, that the whole were taken. The town surrendered 
at discretion ; and it was with the utmost difficulty that general 
Carleton escaped in an open boat, favoured by a dark night. No 
obstacle now remained to impede their progress to the capital, ex- 
cept what arose from the nature of the country ; and these in* 
deed were very considerable. 

But it seems that nothing could damp the ardour of the pro- 
vincials. Although it was the middle of November, and the depth , 
of winter at hand, colonel Arnold formed the design of penetrating 
through the woods, and morasses, from New England to Canada, 
by a nearer route than that which Montgomery had chosen ; and 
this he-accomplished in spite of every difficulty, to the astonish- 
ment of all who saw or heard of the attempt. A third part of his 
men under another colonel, had been obliged to leave him by the 
way for want of provisions ; the total want of artillery, ren- 
dered his presence insignificant before a place so strongly forti- 
fied ; and the s mall n ess of his army, rendered it doubtful whe- 
ther he could take the town by surprize. 

The Canadians were amazed at the exploit ; hut none of them 
as yet took up arms in behalf of America. The consternation into 
which the town of Quebec was thrown was detrimental to the 
Americans, as it doubled the vigilance of the inhabitants to pre- 
vent any surprise : and the appearance of common danger, united 
ail parties, who, before the arrival of Arnold, were violently con- 
tending with one another. Me was therefore, obliged to content 
himself with blocking up the avenues of the town, with hopes of 
distressing the inhabitants for want of provisions ; and even this 
he was not able effectually to accomplish, with such a small num- 
ber of men. 

The arrival of general Montgomery, although it raised the spi- 
rits of the party, yet the smalt force he had with him, when 
joined to that of Arnold, was too weak to reduce a place so strong- 
ly fortified ; they having only a few mortars and field pieces, 
which were not to be depended upon. 

The siege having continued through the month of December, 
general Montgomery, still finding he could not accomplish his end 
any other way than by surprize, resolved to make the attempt on 
the last day of the year 1775. He advanced by break of day, in 
tjie midst of a heavy fall of snow ? which, covered his men from 



56 HISTORY OF 

the sight of the enemy. Two real attacks were made by himself 
and colonel Arnwkl ; at the same time two feigned attaoks were 
made in other places, hoping thereby to distract the garrisr.n. and 
divide their forces. One of the real attacks was made by the 
New York troops, and the other by those of New England under 
Arnold. By a mistake in the signal for the attack being given too 
soon, their hopes of surprizing the town were defeated. 

General Montgomery himself had the most dangerous place, 
being obliged to pass between the river and some high rocks on 
which the upper town stands; so that he made all the haste he 
could to close with the enemy. His fate was soon decided. Hav- 
ing forced the first barrier, a violent discbarge of musquelry and 
grape shot from the second, killed him, the principal officers and 
the most of the party he commanded ; those who remained, im- 
mediately retreated. Colonel Arnold, in the mean time, made a 
desperate attack on the lower town, and carried one of the bar- 
riers, after an obstinate resistance for an hour .* but in the action 
he was himself wounded, which obliged him to withdraw. The 
attack however was continued by the officers whom he had left, 
and another barrier was forced : but the garrison now perceiving 
that nothing was to be feared but from that quarter, collected 
their whole force against it: and after a desperate engagement 
for three hours, overpowered the provincials and obliged them to 
surrender. Such a terrible disaster left no hope remaining of the 
accomplishment of their purpose; as general Arnold coukl not 
muster more than eight hundred men under his command. 

He did not, however, abandon the province* but removed about 
three miles from Quebec, where he found means to annoy the 
garrison by intercepting their provisions. 

The Canadians still continued friendly, notwithstanding the bad 
success of the American arms; which enabled him to sustain the 
hardships of a winter encampment in that most severe climate. 

Congress far from passing any censure on his conduct, created 
him a brigadier-gene rah 

While hostilities were thus carried on in the north, the flame 
of contention was gradualy extending itself to the south. Lord 
Dunmore, the governor of Virginia, was involved in disputes si- 
milar to those which had taken place in the other colonies. He 
dissolved the assembly, which in this province was attended with 
a consequence unknown to the rest. The slaves in Virginia were 
numerous, it was necessary that a militia should be kept constant- 
ly in readiness to keep them in awe. During the dissolution of 
the assembly, the militia laws expired, and the people after com- 
plaining of the danger they were in from the negroes, formed a 
convention, which enacted, that each county should raise a quota 
for the defence of the province. Dunmore upon this. rem< ved 
the powder from Williamsburg \ which created such discon- 



AMERICA, 57 

tent, that an immediate quarrel would have ensued, had not the 
merchants of the town undertaken to obtain satisfaction for the 
supposed injurvdone to the community. 

This tranquility was soon interrupted ; the poeple were alarm- 
ed by a report, that an armed party were on their way from the 
man of war, to where the powder had been deposited, they assem- 
bled in arms, determined to oppose any further removals. 

In some of the conferences that passed at this time the gover- 
nor let fall some unguarded expressions, such as threatening them 
with setting up the royal standard, proclaiming liberty to the ne- 
groes, and destroying the town of Williamsburgh ; which were 
afterwards made public, and exaggerated in such a manner, as 
greatly to increase the public ferment. 

Assemblies of the people were frequently held. Some of them 
took up arms, with an intention to force the governor to restore 
the powder, and to take the public money into their own possession: 
but on their way to Williamsburgh, for this purpose, they were 
met by the receiver-general, who became security for the pay- 
ment of the gunpowder; and the inhabitants promised to take 
care of the magazine and public revenue. 

The governor was so much intimidated by this insurrection, 
that he sent his family on board a man of war. He issued a pro- 
clamation, in which he declared the behaviour of the person who 
provoked the tumult, treasonable ; accused the people of disaffec- 
tion, &c. The people recriminated : and some letters of his to 
Britain, being about the same time discovered, consequences en- 
sued nearly similar to those which had been occasioned by the 
letters of governor Hutchison, of Boston. 

The governor, in this state of confusion, thought it necessary to 
fortify his palace : and procured a party of marines to guard it. 
About this time lord North's conciliatory proposal arrived ; and 
the governor used his utmost endeavours to cause the people to 
comply with it. The arguments were plausible ; and, had not 
matters already gone to such a length, it is highly probable that 
some attention would have been paid to them "The view (he 
said) in which the colonies ought to behold this conciliatory pro- 
posal, was no more than an earnest admonition from Great Bri- 
tain, to relieve their wants ; that the utmost condescension had 
been used in the mode of application, no determinate sum having 
been fixed ; as it was thought most worthy of British generosity, 
to take what they thought could be conveniently spared ; and 
likewise, to leave the mode of raising it to themselves," &c. But 
the clamour and dissatisfaction had now become so universal, 
that no offers, however favourable from government, would be 
attended to. 

The governor had called an assembly, for the purpose of lay- 
ing this conciliatory proposal before them : but it was little at* 



58 HISTORY OF 

tended to. The assembly began their session by an inquiry into 
the state of the magazine. It had been broken into by some of 
the townsmen ; for which reason, spring-guns had been placed 
there by the governor, which discharged themselves upon the of- 
fenders, at their entrance. These circumstances, with others of 
a similar nature, raised such a violent uproar, that as soon as the 
preliminary business of the session was over, the governor retired I 
on board a man of war : informing the assembly, that he durst no 
longer trust himself on shore. This produced a long course oft 
disputation, which ended in a positive refusal of the governor to 
trust himself again at Williamsburg, even to give his assent to 
the bills which could not he passed, without it, although (he as- 
sembly offered to bind themselves for his personal safety. In his 
turn he requested them to meet him on b<mrd the man of war, 
where he then was; but his proposal was rejected, and all fur- 
ther correspondence containing the least appearance of friend- 
ship was discontinued. 

Lord Dunmore having thus abandoned his government, at- 
tempted to reduce by force those whom he could no longer go- 
vern. Some of the most zealous royalists, who had rendered 
themselves obnoxious at home, now repaired to him ; he was also 
joined by numbers of negro slaves. With these and with the 
assistance of the British shipping, he was for some time enabled 
to carry on a predatory war, sufficient to hurt and exasperate, 
but not to subdue. After some considerable attempts on land, 
proclaiming liberty to the slaves, and setting up the rojal stand- 
ard, he took up his residence in Norfolk, a maritime town of 
some consequence, where the people were better affected to Bri- 
tain than in most other places. 

A considerable force, however, was collected against him, and 
the natural impetuosity of his temper prompted him to actagaintt 
them with more courage than caution : he was entirely defeated, 
and obliged to retire to his shipping, which was now crowded 
with numbers of those who had, by joining him, incurred the re- 
sentment of the provincials. In the meantime, a scheme was 
formed by colonel Conoily, a Pennsylvanian, attached to the cause 
of Britain ; the first step of this plan, was to enter into a league 
with the Ohio Indians This he communicated to lord Dunmore, » 
and it received his approbation, upon which Conoily set out and 
actually succeeded in his design. On His return he was despatch- 
ed to general Gage, from whom he received a colonel's commis- 
sion, and set out to accomplish the remainder of his scheme. The 
general plan was, that he should return to the Ohio, where, by 
the assistance of the British and Indians in these parts, he was 
to penetrate through the back settlements into Virginia, and join 
lord Dunmore at Alexandria. But an accident very naturally 
to be expected, happened ; he was discovered, taken prisoner 



AMERICA. 59 

and confined. After the retreat of lord Dunmore, from Norfolk, 
that place was taken possesion of by the provincial?, who great- 
ly distressed those on board lord Dunmore's fleet, by refusing to 
supply them with necessaries. This proceeding drew from his 
lordship a remonstrance; in which he insisted that the fleet 
should be furnished with necessaries ; but this request being de- 
nied, a resolution was taken to set fire to the town ; after giving 
the inhabitants proper warning, a party landed, under the cover 
of the men of war, and set lire to that part which lay nearest the 
shore ; but the flames were observed at the same time to break 
forth in every other part of the town, and the whole was soon 
reduced to ashes. 

This destruction occasioned a loss of more than three hundred 
thousand pounds sterling ; and was extremely impolitic, as a 
great part of the propetty belonged to those who had manifested 
a warm attachment to the cause of Britain. In the southern colo- 
nies of Carolina, the governors were expelled and obliged to take 
refuge on board of men of war, as lord Dunmore had been ; go- 
vernor Martin of North-Carolina, on a charge of attempting to 
raise the back settlers, chiefly Scots-highlanders, against the col- 
ony. But having secured themselves from any attempt of these 
enemies, they proceeded to regulate their internal concerns, in 
the same manner as the rest of the colonies, and by the end of the 
year 1775, the whole of America was united against Great Bri- 
tain, in the most determined opposition ; and of all her vast pos- 
sessions of that tract of land since known by the name of the thir- 
teen united provinces, she possessed only the single town of Bos- 
ton, in which her forces were besieged by an enemy with whom, on 
account of their numbers, they were not able to cope, and by whom 
they must of course expect in a short time to be expelled. 

The situation of the inhabitants of Boston, was peculiarly un- 
happy. After having failed in their attempts to leave the town, 
general Gage had consented to allow them to retire with their 
effects, but afterwards refused to fulfil his promise. When he re- 
signed his place to general Howe in October, 1775, the latter, ap- 
prehensive that they might give intelligence of the situation of the 
British troops, strictiy prohibited any person from leaving the 
place under pain of military execution. Thus matteis continued 
until the month of March 1776, when the town was evacuated. 
On the second of that month general Washington opened a batte- 
ry on the west side of the town, from whence it was bombarded, 
with a heavy fire of cannon at the same time ; and three days af- 
ter it was attacked by another battery from the eastern shore ; 
this continued for fourteen days without intermission. When 
general Howe finding the place no longer tenable, determined, if 
possible, to drive the enemy from their works. Preparations were 
therefore made for a most vigorous attack, on a hill called Dor- 



60 HISTORY OF 

chester-neck, which the Americans had fortified in such a man- 
ner, as would in all probability, have rendered the enterprizenext 
to desperate. No difficulties, however, were sufficient to daunt 
the spirit of the general ; and everything was in readiness, when 
a sudden storm prevented an exertion, which must have been 
productive of a dreadful waste of blood. Next day upon a more 
close exau inationof the works, it was thought adviseable to desist 
from the attack altogether. The fortifications were very stroeg, , 
and well provided with artillery 5 and upwards of one hundred 
hogsheads filled with stones, were provided to roll down upon 
the enemy as they came up ; which, as the assent was very steep, 
must have done great execution. 

Nothing therefore now remained for the British but to retreat; 
and to effect this, there appeared great difficulty and danger. 
But the Americans, knowing that it was in the power of the ene- 
my to reduce the town to ashes, which eould not have been re- 
paired in many years, did not think proper to give the least mo- 
lestation ; and for the space of a fortnight the troops were em- 
ployed in the evacuation of the place, from whence they carri- 
ed along with them two thousand of the inhabitants, who durst 
not stay on account of their attachment to the British cause. 

From Boston they sailed to Halifax, hut all their vigilance eould 
not pre\ ent a number of valuable ships from falling into the hands 
of the provincials. A considerable quantity of cannon and ammu- 
nition had also been left at Bunker's hill and Boston neck j,and in 
the town an immense variety of goods, principally of woollen 
and linen, of which the provincials stood very much in need. 
The estates of those who fled to Halifax were confiscated ; as 
also of those who had remained in the town, and who had shewn 
a decided attachment to the British government. 

As an attack was expected as soon as the British forces should 
arrive, every method was employed to render the fortifications 
impregnable. For this purpose some foreign engineers were em- 
ployed, who had arrived at Boston 5 and so eager were the people 
of all ranks to accomplish this business, that every able-bodied 
man in the place, without distinction of rank, set apart two day* 
in the week to complete it the sooner. 

The Americans, exasperated by the proceedings of parlia- 
ment, which placed them out of the royal protection ; and engag- 
ed foreign mercenaries in the plan of subduing them, now for- 
mally renounced al! connexion with Britain, and declared them- 
selves independent. This celebrated declaration was published 
on the fourth of July, 1776, as follows : 

" When in the course of human events it becomes necessary 
for one people to dissolve the political bands which have con- 
nected t) em with ;r ether, aid to assume among the powers of 
the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of na* 

I 



AMERICA. 61 

ture and nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the 
opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes 
which impel them to the separation. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are cre- 
ated equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain 
unalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the 
pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments 
are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the 
consent of the governed ; that whenever any form of government 
becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to 
alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government laying its 
foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such 
form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and 
happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long 
established, should not be changed for light and transient causes; 
and, accordingly, all experience hath shown that mankind are 
more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right 
themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustom- 
ed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing 
invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them un- 
der absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw 
off such government, and to provide new guards for their future 
security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies ; 
and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their 

fomer systems of government The history of the present king 

of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, 
all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny 
over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a can- 
did world. 

lie has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and ne- 
cessary for the public good. 

He has forbidden his Governors to pass laws of immediate and 
pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation, till his 
assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he had ut- 
terly neglected to attend to them. 

He has refused to pass other laws, for the accommodation of 
large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the 

right of representation in the Legislature a right inestimable to 

them, and formidable to tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies, at places unusual, un- 
comfortable, and distant from the depository of their public re- 
cords, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with 
his measures. 

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing 
with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the People. 

He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause 
others to be elected % wLereby the legislative powers, incapable 



62 HISTORY OF 

of annihilation, have returned to the people at large, for their ex- 
ercise ; The State remaining in the meantime, exposed to all the 
danger of invasion from without, and convulsions within. 

He had endeavoured to preventthe population of these States ; 
for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of fo- 
reigners; refusing to pass others, to encourage their migration 
hither, and raisingthe conditions of new appropriations of lands. 

He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his 
assent to laws, for establishing Judiciary Powers. 

He has made judges dependant on his will alone, for the te- 
nure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their sa- 
laries, 

He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither 
swarms of officers, to harass our people, and eat out their sub- 
stance. 

He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, with- 
out the consent of our Legislature. 

He has aifeeted to render the military, independent of, and su- 
perior to, the civil power. 

He has combined with others, to subject us to a jurisdiction, fo- 
reign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giv- 
ing his assent to their acts of pretended legislation. 

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us :..... 

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any 
murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these 
States : 

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world : 

For imposing taxes on us without our consent : 

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by 
jury : 

For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended of- 
fences : 

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighbour- 
ing province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and 
enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example 
and fit instrument, for introducing the same absolute rule into 

these colonies : 

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, 
and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments: 

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves 
invested with power to legislate tor us in ail cases whatsoever. 

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of ids 
protection^ and waging war against us. 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, 
and destroyed the lives of our people. 

He is, at this time, transporting large arrries of foreign mer- 
cenaries to couplets (lie works of death, desolation and tyranny 



AMERICA. 63 

already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarce- 
ly paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy 
the head of a civilized nation. 

He has con-trained our fellow citizens, taken captive on the 
high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the ex- 
ecutioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by 
their hands. 

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has en- 
deavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the mer- 
ciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undis- 
tinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. 

In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned fob re- 
dress in the most humble terms : our repeated petitions have been 
answered only by repeated injury. A prince whose character is 
thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unlit to 
be the ruler of a Free People. 

Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. 
We have warned them from time to time, of attempts made by 
their Legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over 
us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emi- 
gration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native 
justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties 
of our common kindred, to disavow their usurpations, which 
would inevitably interrupt our connexions and correspondence. 
They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and consangui- 
nity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which de- 
nounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of 
mankind. ...enemies in war.. ..in peace, friends. 

" We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of 
America, in Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge 
of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, Do, in the name 
and by the authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemn- 
ly declare, thrtt these United Colonies are, and, of right ought to 
be, Free and Independent States : ...that they are absolved from all 
allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connexion, 
between them and the State of Great Britain, is, and ou^ht to be, 
totally dissolved ; and that, as Free and Independent States, they 
have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, 
establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which In- 
dependent States may of right do. And for the support of this 
declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Pro- 
vidence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, 
and our sacred honour." 

Previous to this, a circular letter had been sent through each 
colony, stating the reasons for it; and such was the animosity 
now every where prevailing against Great Britain, that it met 
with general approbation, except in the province of Maryland 



64 HISTORY OF 

alone. It was not long, however, before the people of that colony, 
finding themselves left in a very dangerous minority, thought 
proper to accede to the measures of the rest. 

The manifesto itself, was in the usual nervous style, stating a 
long list of grievances, for a redress of which they had often ap- 
plied hut in vain ; for these reasons they determined on a final 
separation; and to hold the people of Great Britain, as well as 
the rest of mankind, " enemies in war, in peace friends." 

After thus publicly throwing off all allegiance and hope of re- 
coriciliatjon, the colonists soon found that an exertion of all their 
strength would be necessary to support their pretentions. Their 
arms had not been successful in Canada. Reinforcements had 
?een promised to general Arnold, who still continued to blockade 
Quebec : but they did not arrive in time to second his operations. 
But being sensible that he must either desist from the enterprize, 
ish it successfully, he recommenced his operations in form, 
and attempted to destroy the shipping and burn the town. They 
succeededso far as to burn a number of houses in the suburbs, and 
the garrison were obligedio pull down the remainder, in order to 
prevent the fire from spreading. Notwithstanding the provincials 
\\ere unable to reduce the town, they kept the garrison in con- 
tinual alarms, and in a very disagreeable situation. 

Some of the nobility collected in a body under the command of 
one gentleman whose name was Beaujeau, in order to relieve their 
capital; but they were met on their march by the provincials 
and defeated. The Americans had but little reason to plume 
themselves upon this success. Their want of artillery convinced 
them that it was impracticable in their situation to reduce a town 
so strongly fortified ; the small-pox at the same time made its 
appearance in their camp, and carried off great numbers ; inti- 
midating the rest to such a degree, that they deserted in crowds. 
To add to their misfortunes, the British reinforcements unex- 
pectedly appeared, and the ships made their way with such sur- 
prising celerity through the ice, that the one part of the army 
was separated from the other, and general Carleton sallying out, 
as soon as the reinforcement was landed, obliged them to fly with 
•he utmost precipitation, leaving behind them all their cannon 
and military stores; at the same time that their shipping was 
captured by v vessels sent up the river for that purpose. 

On this occasion the provincials fled with such haste, that they 
could not be overtaken; so that none fell into the hands of the 
British excepting the sick and the wounded. General Carleton, 
now gave an instance of humanity : being well apprized that- 
many of the provincials had not been able to accompany the rest 
in their retreat ; and, that they were concealed in the woods, &c. 
in a very deplorable situation, he generously issued a proclama- 
tion, ordering proper persons to seek them out, and give them re- 



AMERICA. 65 

lief at the. public expense; and at the same time, lest through fear 
of their being made prisoners, they should refuse these offers 
of humanity, he promised, that as soon as their situation enabled 
them, thev should be at libe = ty to depart to their respective homes. 
The British general, now heed from any danger or an attack, 
was soon enabled to art offensively against the provincials, by the 
arrival of the forces destined for that purpose from Britain. By 
these he was put at the head of twelve thousand regular troops ; 
among whom were those of Brunswick. With this force he set 
out for the Three rivers, where he expected Arnold would have 
made a stand ; but he had retired to Sorrel, a place one hundred 
and fifty miles from Quebec ; where he was at last met by the 
reinforcements ordered by Congress. 

Here, though the preceding events were by no means calculat- 
ed to isupire much military ardour, a very daring enterprize was 
undertaken ; arid this was to surprize the British troops, posted 
under generals Fraser and Nesbit: of whom the former com- 
manded those on land ; the latter such as were on board the trans- 
ports, ana were but a little way distant. The enterprize was very 
irdous, both on account of the strength of the parties, against 
whom they were to act. and as the ttiajn body of the British forces 
were advanced within fifty inl.es of tmS place; besides that a 
I number of armed vessels, r»:tf transports wiWi troops, lay between 
them and the Three Rvers. Two thousand chosen men, however, 
under general Th;m;:-son, engaged in this undeftafcflsg. Their suc- 
cess was by rj means answerable to their spirit and vaiour. 

Though thev passed the shipping without being observed, ge- 
neral Kaser had notice of their landing, and thus, being prepar- 
ed to receive them, they were soon thrown into disorder; at the 
same lime that general Nesbit. having landed his forces, prepared 
i( to attack them in trie rear. On this occasion, some field pieces 
fydid prodigious execution ; and a retreat was found to be unavoida- 
ble. General Nesbit was now between them and their boats; so 
that yley were obliged to take a circuit through a deep swamp, 
while t-her were hotly pursued by both parties at the same time, 
who marched for some miles on each side of the swamp, till at 
j last the unfortunate provincials were sheltered from further dan- 
* ger by a wood at the end of the swamp. Their general, however, 
"was taken with two hundred of his men. 

By this disaster, the provincials lost all hopes of accomplishing 
any thing in Canada. 'They, therefore, demolished their works 
. and carried off their artillery, with the utmost expedition. They 
were pursued by general Burgoyne, against whom it was expect- 
ed they would have collected all (heir f,rce, and make a resolute 
stand. But they were now too much dispirited by misfoi tune, to 
make any more exertions of valour. On the eighteenth of June, 
the British general arrived at Fort St. Johns, which he found 

v 2 



66 HISTORY OF 



abandoned and burnt. Chamblee had shared the same fate 



as 




they abandoned: and retreated across the lake to Crown-point, 
wither they could not be immediately followed. 

Thus was the province of Canada entirely evacuated by the 
provincials, whose loss in iheir retreat from Quebec, was calcu- 
lated at not less than one thousand men, of whom four hundred 
in one body, fell into the hands of the enemv at a place called the 
Cedars, about fifty miles from Montreal. General Sullivan who 
conducted this retreat, after the affair of general Thomson, had 
great merit in what he did, and received the thanks of Congress 
accordingly. ° 

-This bad success in the north was in some measure compensat- 
ed by what happened in the southern colonies.... It has been for- 
merly noticed that governor Martin of North Carolina, had been 
0l ;;'-ed to leave his province, and take refuge on board of a man 
of war. He notwithstanding did not despair of reducing it again 
to obedience. He therefore, applied to the regulators, a daring 
set of banditti, who lived j u -kind of independent state,- and 
though considered D y.g 0v ^ nimeru 2 s rebels, yet had never been 
molested on accoun£ of tne i r known si; 111 in the use of fire arms. 
To the chiVfs of Lese people commissions v er T e ' sent » in order to 
raise some iegiments ; and a colonel Macdona!b>" as appointed to 
command them. In the month of February he erects the king's 
standard, issued proclamations, &c. and collected some forces ; ex- 
pecting soon to be joined by a body of regular troops, \}h& were 
known to be shipped from Britain to act against the southern 
colonies. 

TheeAmericans sensible of the danger, despatched immedi- 
ately what forces they had to act against the royalists, at the same | 
time they exerted themselves to support these with suitobLe rein- 
forcements. General Moore's numbers at first were^rrfeuior to 
Macdonald's, which induced the latter to hope that hr* HiSght in- 
timidate him to join the king's standard ; with this intention he 
summoned him under the pain of being treated as a rebel if he re- j 
fused. But Moore being well provided with cannon, and conscious * 
that nothing could be attempted against him, returned the compli- 
ment, by acquainting Macdonald, thatif he and his party would 
by down their arms, and subscribe an oath of fidelity to Congress, 
they should be treated as friends, but if they persisted in an un- 
dertaking for which it was evident they had not sufficient strength, 
they could not but expect the severest treatment. 

In a few days general Moore found himself at the head of 8,000 
men, by reason of the continual supplies which daily arrived from 
all parts. The royal party only amounted to 2,000, and as they 



AMERICA. 67 

were destitute of artillery, they were prevented from attacking 
the enemy with success, when they had the advantage of num- 
bers. Nothing now remaiued but to have recourse to a desperate 
exertion of their own personal valour; by dint of which they ef- 
fected a retreat for eighty miles to Moore's Creek, within sixteen 
miles of Wilmington. Could they have gained this place they ex- 
pected to have been joined by governor Martin, and general Clin- 
ton, who had lately arrived with a considerable detachment. But 
Moore with his army pursued them so close, that they were 
obliged to attempt the passage of the creek, on the opposite side 
of which was colonel Caswell with a considerable body of provin- 
cials posted to oppose his passage, with fortifications well planted, 
with cannon. On attempting the creek ii was found not to be 
fordable. They were obliged, therefore, to cross over a wooden 
bridge, which the provincials had not time entirely to destroy. 

They had, however, by pulling up part of the planks, and 
greasing the remainder, made the passage so difficult that the 
royalists could not attempt it. 

in this situation they were, on the 27th of February, 1776, at- 
tacked by Moore and his superior army and totally defeated, with 
the loss of their general ami most of their leaders, as well as the 
best and bravest of their men. Thus was the power of the pro- 
vincials established in Nerth Carolina. Nor were they less suc- 
cessful in Virginia, where lord Dunmore, having long continued 
a predatory war, was at last driven from every creek and road 
in the province. The people he had on board were distressed to 
the highest degree, by confinement in small vessels. The heat of 
the season, and the numbers crowded together, produced a pes- 
tilential fever, which made great havoc, especially among the 
blacks. At last, finding themselves in the utmost hazard of per- 
ishing by famine, as well as disease, they set fire to the least val- 
uable vessels, reserving only about fifty for themselves, in which 
they bid a final adieu to Virginia, some sailing to Florida, some 
to Bermuda, and the rest to the West-Indies. 

In South Carolina the provincials had a more formidable en- 
emy to deal with. A squadron whose object was the reduction of 
Charleston had been fitted out in December 1775, but by reason 
J of unfavourable weather did not reach Cape Fear in North Car- 
olina till the month of May 1776 : and here it met with further 
obstacles to the end of the month. Thus the \mericans had 
time to strengthen the works of Charleston in such a manner as 
rendered it extremely difficult to be attacked. 

The British squadron consisted of two fifty gun ships, foui of 
thirty guns, two of twenty, and an armed schooner, and bomb- 
ketch, all under the command of Sir Peter Parker. The land for- 
ces were commanded by lord Cornwaliis, with generals Clinton 
and Vaughen. As they had yet no intelligence of the evacuation 



68 HISTORY OF 

of Boston, general Howe despatched a vessel to Cape Fear with 
some instructions ; but it was too late; and in the beginning of 
June, the squadron anchored off* Charleston bar. Here they met 
with some difficulty in crossing;, being obliged to take out the guns 
from the two largest ships, which were, notwithstanding, several 
times in danger of sticking fast. The next obstacle was a strong 
fort on Sullivan's island, six miles east of Charleston, which, 
though not completely finished, was very strong. However, the 
British generals resolved without hesitation to attack it ; but 
though an attack was easy from sea, it was difficult to obtain a . 
co-operation of the land forces. 

This was, how ever, attempted by landing them on Long Island 
adjacent to Sullivan's island on the east, from which it is separated 
by a \ery narrow creek, not above two feet deep at low water. 
Opposite to this ford, the provincials had posted a strong body of 
from s. with cannon and entrenchments ; while general Lee was 
posted on the main land, with a bridge of boats betwixt that and 
Sullivan's island, so that he could at pleasure, send reinforce- 
ments to the troops in the fort on Sullivan's island. 

There were so many delays occurred on the part of the British, 
that it was the 24th of June, 1776, before matters were in readi- 
ness for an attack ; and, by this tiiiie the provincials had abun- 
dant!) provided for their reception. On the morning of that day, 
the bomb-ketch began to throw shells into fort Sullivan, and about 
mid-day the two fifty-gun ships and thirty-gun frigates, came up 
and began a severe lire. Three other frigates were ordered to 
take their station between Charleston and the fort, in order to en- 
filade the batteries and cutoff the communication with the main 
land ; but through the ignorance of the pilots, they ail stuck fast, 
and though two of them were disentangled they were found to 
be totally unfit for service ; the third was burnt, that she might 
not fall into the hands of the enemy. 

The attack was therefore confined to the five armed vessels, 
and bomb-ketch, between whom and die fort, a dreadful fire en- 
sued. The Bristol suffered excessively, the springs on her cable 
being shot away, she was for a time entirely exposed to the ene- 
my's fire. As the provincials poured in great quantities of red hot 
balls, she was twice in flames. Captain Morris, her commander,* 
after receiving five wounds, was obliged to go below deck in or- 
der to have his arm amputated : after undergoing this operation, 
he returned to his station, where he received another wound, 
but still refused to quit his place ; at last he received a red hot 
bail in his belly, which instantly put an end to his life. Of ail the 
officers and seamen, who stood on the quarterdeck of this vessel, 
not one escaped without a wound, except sir Peter Parker alone, 
whose intrepidity and presence of mind on this occasion, was 
very remarkable. 



AMERICA. 69 

The engagement lasted until the darkness put an end to it. Lit- 
tle damage was done by the British, as the works of the enemy lay 
so low, that many of the shot flew over; and the fortifications, 
being composed of palm trees, mixed with earth, were well cal- 
culated to resist the impression of cannon. During the height of 
the attack, the batteries of the provincials were silent, so that it 
was concluded that they had been abandoned ; but this was found 
to proceed from want of powder : for as soon as a supply of this 
article was obtained, the firing was resumed as brisk as before. 
During the whole of this desperate engagement, it was found im- 
possible for the land forces to render any assistance to the fleet. 

The enemy's works were found to be much stronger than had 
been imagined, and the depth of water effectually prevented them 
from making any attempt. In this unsuccessful axtempt, the loss 
of the British in killed and wounded was two hundred. The 
Bristol and Experiment, were so much damaged, it was thought 
they could not get over the bar: this they accomplished, however, 
by great exertion of naval skill, to the surprize of the provincials, 
who had expected to have made them both prizes. It was said 
the Americans lost considerable in this engagement. 

In the beginning of March, commodore Hopkins, was despatch- 
ed by Congress, with five frigates to the Bahama islands, where 
he made himself master of the ordnance and military stores ; but 
the gunpowder which had been the principal object, was removed. 
Oq his return he captured several vessels ; but was foiled in his 
attempt on the Glasgow frigate, which found means to escape, 
notwithstanding the efforts of the whole squadron. 

Hitherto the Americans had been generally successful, they had 
now to experience misfortune, misery and disappointment; the 
enemy overrunning the country, and their own armies not able 
to face them in the field. The province of New York, being the 
most accessible by sea, was made the object of the main attack. 
The force sent against it, consisted of six ships of the line, thirty 
frigates, besides other armed vessels, and a vast number of 
transports. The fleet was commanded by lord Howe, and the 
land forces by his brother, general Sir William Howe, who was now 
at Halifax. The latter, however, had set sail a considerable time 
before his brother arrived, and lay before New York, but 
without attempting to commence hostilities, until he should be 
joined by his brother. 

The Americans had, according to custom, fortified New York, 
and the adjacent islands in an extraordinary manner. General 
Howe, notwithstanding, was suffered to land his troops on Staten 
island, where he was soon joined by a number of inhabitants. 
About the middle of July, lord Howe arrived with the grand ar- 
mament, and being one of the commissioners appointed to receive 
the submission of the colonists, he published a circular letter to the 



70 HISTORY OF 

several governors, who had lately been expelled from their provin- 
ces, desiring them to make the extent of his commission and the 
powers he was invested with by parliament as public as possible. 

Here, however, the Congress saved him trouble, by ordering 
his letter and declaration to be published in all the newspapers, 
" That every one might see the insidiousness of the British minis- 
try ; and that they had nothing to trust to, besides the exertion 
of their own valour." 

Lord Howe next sent a letter to general Washington ; but as it 
was directed " To George Washington, Esq." the general'refus- 
ed to accept it, as not being in a style suited to his station. To ob- 
viate this objection, adjutant-general Patterson, was sent with 
another letter directed '• To George Washington, &c. &c. &c." 
but though a very polite reception was given to the bearer, gen- 
eral Washington utterly refused the letter, nor could any expla- 
nation of the adjutant induce him to accept of it. The only in- 
teresting part was that relating to the powers ot the commission- 
ers, of whom lord Howe was one. 

The adjutant told him that these powers were very extensive; 
that the commissioners were determined to exert themselves to 
the utmost in order to bring about a reconciliation ; and that he 
hoped the .general would consider this visit as a step towards it, 
General Washington replied, that it did not appear that these 
powers consisted in any thing else than granting pardons ; and as 
America had committed no offence, she asked no forgiveness: 
and, was only defending her unquestionable rights. 

The decision being now left to the sword, no time was lost, and 
hostilities commenced as soon as the British troops could be col- 
lected. This was not done before the month of August, when they 
landed without opposition on Long Island, opposite 10 the shore of 
Statan island. General Putnam with a large body ot troops, lay 
encamped and strongly fortified on a peninsula on the opposite 
shore, with a range of hills between/the armies, the principal pass 
of which was near a place called Fiat-Bush; here the centre of 
the British army, consisting of Hessians, took post ; the left wing 
under general Grant, lying near the shore ; and the right consist- 
ing of the greater part of the British force, lay undei loid Percy, 
Cbrnwallis, and general Clinton. Putnam had ordered these pas- 
ses to be secured by large detachments, which was executed im- 
mediately with those that were near; but one of the most impor- 
tance, that lay at a distance, was entirely neglected. Through 
this a large body of troops under lord Percy and Clinton, passed, 
and attacked the Americans in the rear, while they were engag- 
ed with the Hessians in front. 

Through this piece of negligence their defeat became inevita- 
ble^ T.iose who were engaged with the Hessians* first peiceived 
their mistake? and began a retreat towards their camp ; but the 



AMERICA. 71 

passage was intercepted by the British troops, who drove them 
back into the woods. Here they were met by the Hessians ; and 
thus were they for many hours slaughtered between two parties, 
no way of escape but by forcing their way through the British 
troops, and thus regaining their camp. In this attempt many 
perished : and the light wing, engaged with genera! Grant, shared 
the same fate. The victory was complete ; and the Americans 
lost, on this fatal day, August the twenty -seventh, upwards of one 
thousand men, and two generals : several officers of distinction 
were made prisoners, with a number of privates. Among the 
slain, a regiment, consisting of young; gentlemen of fortune and 
family in Maryland, was almost entirely cut to pieces, andofthfc 
survivors not one escaped without a wound. 

The ardour of the British troops was now so great, that they 
could scarce be restrained from attacking the lines of the provin- 
cials; but tor (his there was now no occasion, as it was certain 
they could not be defended ; but had the ardour of the soldiers been 
seconded, and general Howe, pursued his victory, it might have 
given such a blow to the Americans, and such a turn to their affairs, 
that they would not have been able to have regained that confi- 
dence in their own strength, which they had hitherto maintained. 

Of the British and Hessians about four hundred and fifty were 
lost in this engagement. As none of the American commanders 
thought it proper to risk another attack, it was resolved to abandon 
their camp as soon as possible. Accordingly, on the twenty-ninth 
of August, the whole of the continental troops were ferried over 
from Brooklin to New-York, with the utmost secrecy and silence ; 
so that, in the morning, the British had nothing to do but to take 
possession of the camp and artillery which they had abandoned. 

This victory, though complete, was far from being so decisive 
as the conquerors imagined. Lord Howe, supposing it wouW be 
sufficient to intimidate congress into some terms, sent' general 
Sullivan, who had been taken prisoner in the late action, to con- 
gress with a message, importing, that though he could not consis- 
tently treat with them as a legal assembly, yet he would be very 
glad to confer with any of the members in a private capacity ; 
setting forth, at the same time, the nature and extent of his power 
as commissioner. But the congress were not at all inclined to 
derogate from the dignity of character they had assumed. They 
replied, that the congress of the iVee and independent states of 
America, could not. consistently, send any of its members in any 
Other capacity than that which they hail publicly assumed ; but as 
they were extremely desirous of restoring peace to their country 
trpon equitable conditions, they would appoint a committee of their 
body to wait upon him, and learn what proposals he had to make. 

The committee appointed by pongress was composed of Dr. 
Franklin, Adams, and.RutleUgg. They were very politely re- 



72 HISTORY OF 

ceived by his lordship; but the conference proved fruitless. The 
final answer of the deputies was, that they were extremely will- 
ing to. enter into any treaty with Great Britain that might con- 
duce to the good of both nations : but that they would not treat 
in any other character than that of Independent States. This 
positive declaration put an end to all hopes of reconciliation, and 
it was resolved to prosecute the war with the utmost vigour. 

Lord Howe, after publishing a manifesto, in which he declared 
the refusal of congress, and that he himself was willing to confer 
with all well disposed persons about the means of restoring public 
tranquility, set about the most proper methods for reducing the 
city of New York. Here the provincial troops were posted, and, 
from a great number of batteries, kept continually annoying the 
British shipping. The. East river, about twelve hundred yards in 
breadtk lay between them, which the British troops v/ere ex- 
tremely desirous of passing. At last the ships, after an incessant 
cannonade of several days, silenced the hatteries ; a body of troops 
was sent up the river toVbay, about three miles distant, where 
the fortifications were less strong than in other places. Here, 
having driven off the provincials by the cannon of the fleet, they 
marched directly towards the city ; but the provincials, finding 
that they should now be attacked on all sides, abandoned the city, 
and retreated to the north of the island, where their principal 
force was collected. In their passage thither they skirmished 
with the British, but carefully avoided a general engagement ; 
and it was observed that they did not behave with that ardour and 
impetuous valour which had hitherto marked their character. 

The British and American armies were now not above two 
miles from each other. The former lay encamped from shore to 
shore, for an extent of two miles, being the breadth of the island, 
which, though fifteen miles long, exceeds not two in any part of 
the breadth. The provincials, who lay directly opposite, had 
strengthened their camp with many fortifications; and, at the 
same time, were masters of all the passes anddefiles betwixt the 
two camps : thus were they enabled to maintain their station 
against an army much more numerous than their own : they had 
also strongly fortified a pass called King's Bridge, on the northern 
extremity of the island, whence they could secure a passage to the 
continent in case of any misfortunes. Here general Washington, 
in order to inure the provincials to actual service and, at the 
fame time, to annoy the enemy as much as possible, employed 
his troops in continual skirmishes ; by which it was observed they 
recovered their spirits, and behaved with their usual boldness. 

As the situation of the two armies v,as now highly inconvenient 
to the British generals, it was resolved to make such movements 
as might oblige general V> ashington to relinquish his strong situa- 
tion. A few days after New-York was evacuated by the Ameri- 



AMERICA. 7l 

cans, a dreadful fire broke out, said to be occasioned by tke licen- 
tious conduct of some of its new masters ; and had it not been for 
the active exertions of the sailors and soldiery, the whole town 
probably would have been consumed ; the wind being high, and 
the weather remarkably dry, about a thousand houses were de- 
stroyed. 

General Howe, having left lord Percy with a sufficient force to 
garrison New York, embarked his army in flat-bottomed boats, 
by which they were conveyed through the dangerous passage 
called Hell Gate, and landed at Frog's Point, near the town of 
"West Chester, lying on the continent towards Connecticut. Here 
having received a supply of men and provisions, they moved on 
the twenty-first of October, to New Rochelle, situated on the 
Sound which separates Long Island from the Continent. 

After this, still receiving fresh reinforcements, they made such 
movements as threatened to distress the provincials very much, 
by cutting off their convoys of provisions from Connecticut, and 
thus force them to an engagement. This general Washington 
determined at all events to avoid. He therefore extended his 
forces into a long line opposite to the way in which the enemy 
marched, keeping the Brunx, a river of considerable magnitude, 
between the two armies, with the North river in his rear. Here 
the provincials continued for some time to skirmish with the royai 
army, until, at last, by some manoeuvers, the British general found 
means to attack thena on the twenty-eighth of October, 1776, ad- 
vantageously, at a place called the White Plains, and drove them 
from some of their posts. 

The success on this occasion was not; so complete as on the 
former ; however, it obliged the provincials to change their ground, 
and retreat further up the country. General Howe pursued them 
for some time ; but at last finding all his endeavours to bring on 
a general action, fruitless, he determined to give over the pursuit, 
and employ himself in reducing the forts which the provincials 
still retained in the neighbourhood of New York. 

Fort Washington was the only post the Americans then held 
on New York island, and was under the command of colonel Ma- 
gaw. The royal army made four attacks upon it. The first on 
the north side, was led on by general Knyphauzen : the second, 
on the east by general Matthews, supported by lord Cornvvallis : 
the third was under the direction of lieutenant-colonel Sterling: 
and the fourth by lord Percy. The troops under Knyphauzen, 
when advancing to the fort, had to pass through a thick wood, 
which was occupied by Rawling's regiment of riflemen, and suf- 
fered very much from their well directed fire. During this at- 
tack a body of British light infantry, advanced against a party of 
the Americans, who were annoying them from behind rocks and 
trees, and obliged them to disperse. Lord Percy carried an ad- 

X 



74 HISTORY OF 

vance work on his side ; and lieutenant-colonel Sterling forced his 
way up a steep ascent, and took one hundred and seventy prison- 
ers. Their outworks being carried, the Americans left their 
lines and crowded into (he fort. Colonel Rah I, who led the right 
column of Knyphauzen's attack, pushed forwards, and lodged his 
column within a hundred yards of the fort, and was there soon 
joined by the left column. The garrison surrendered on terms of 
capitulation, by which the men were to be considered as prisoners 
of war, and the officers to keep their baggage and side arms. 
The number of prisoners amounted to two thousand seven hun- 
dred. The loss of the British was considerable. 

Shortly after the surrender of fort Washington, fort Lee, sit- 
uate on the opposite shore of (he North River, was evacuated by 
the Americans at the approach of lord Cornwallis; and at the 
•expense of their artillery and stores. 

Fort Lee being evacuated by the Americans, the Jerseys lay 
wholly ©pen to the incursions of the British troops, and was so en- 
tirely taken possession of by the royal army, that their winter 
quarters extended from New Brunswick to the river Delaware. 
Had any number of boats been at hand, it was thought Philadel- 
phia would have fallen into their hands. All these had been 
carefully removed by the Americans. Instead of this enterprize, 
Sir Henry Clinton undertook an expedition to Rhode Island, and 
became master of it without losing a man. His expedition was 
attended with this further advantage, that the American fleet un- 
der commodore Hopkins was obliged to sail so far up Providence 
river, that it was entirely useless. The same ill success attended 
the Americans in other parts. After their expulsion from Cana- 
da, they had crossed lake Champlain, and taken up their quar- 
ters at Crown Point, as we have already mentioned. Here they 
remained for some time in safety, as the British had no vessels 
on the lake ; and consequently general Burgoyne could not pur- 
sue them. 

To remedy this deficiency, there was no other method, but to 
construct vessels on the spot, or take to pieces some vessels al- 
ready constructed, and drag them up the river into the lake. This, 
however, was effected in the space of three months; and the 
British general, after incredible toil and difficulty, saw himself in 
possession of a great number of vessels : by which means, he was 
enabled to pursue his enemies, and invade them in his turn. The 
labour undergone at this time, by the sea and land forces, must in- 
deed have been prodigious; since they were conveyed over 
land, and dragged up the rapids of St. Law?ence, no fewer than 
thirty large lone boats, four hundred batteaux, besides avast num- 
ber of flat-hot omed boats, and a gondola of thirty tons. The intent 
of the expedition was to push forward, before winter, to Albany, 
where the army would take up its winter quarters; and the next 



, AMERICA. 

spring effect a junction with that under general Howe ; when it 
was not doubted, that the united force and skill of the two com- 
manders, would speedily put an eiu\ to the war. 

It was the beginning of Octobor, before the expedition could be 
undertaken ; it was then allowed, to be completely able to an- 
swer the purpose for which it was intended. 

The fleet consisted of one large vessel of three masts, carrying 
18 twelve pounders; two schooners, the one carrying 14, the 
other 12 six pounders; a large flat-bottomed radeau, with 6 
twenty four, and six twelve pounders ; and a gondola with 8 nine 
pounders : besides these, there were twenty vessels of a smaller 
size ; also gun-boats, carrying each a piece of brass ordnance, 
from nine to twenty four pounders, or howitzers. Several long- 
boats were fitted out in the same manner, and a vast number of 
boats and tenders of various sizes to be used as transports for the 
troops and baggage. It was manned by a number of select sea- 
men ; and the gun-boats were served by a detachment from the 
corps of artillery. The officers and soldiers appointed for this 
expedition, were also chosen out of the whole army. 

The American force was too inconsiderable to withstand this 
formidable armament : general Arnold, who commanded it, after 
engaging the British fleet for a whole day, took advantage of the 
darkness of the night to set sail without being perceived, and was 
next morning out of sight : but he was so quickly pursued by the 
British, that on the second day after, he was overtaken and forced 
to a second engagement. And notwithstanding his gallant beha- 
viour, he was obliged to rut! his Bh»5 ashore, and ga£ ikem c.» 
fire. A few only escaped to lake George ; and the garrison of 
Crown point, having destroyed or carried oft'every thing of value, 
retired to Ticonderoga. 

Thither general Carleton intended to have pursued them ; but 
the difficulties he had to encounter were so many, and so great, 
that it was thought proper to march back into Canada, and de- 
sist from any further operations until the next spring. 

The American affairs now seemed every where going to wreck ; 
even those who had been most sanguine in her cause, began to 
despair. The time also for which the soldiers had enlisted, was 
now expired ; and the bad success of the preceding campaign had 
been so very discouraging, that no person was willing to engage 
himself during the continuance of the war, of which the event ap- 
peared so doubtful. General Washington had the mortifying evi- 
dence of the daily decrease of his army ; so that from thirty thou- 
sand, of which it consisted when general Howe landed on Staten 
Island, scarce a tenth part could be mustered. General Lee had 
collected a body of troops to assist the commander in chief, but 
having imprudently taken up his lodgings at a distance from the 
troops, information was given to colonel Harcourt, who happened 
at the time to be in the neighbourhood, and who took him prisoner. 



re HISTORY OF 

The loss of this general was much regretted, the more especi- 
ally as he was of superior quality to any prisoner in possession 
of^the colonists, and could not therefore be exchanged. Six field 
officers were offered in exchange for him, and refused ; and con- 
gress was highly irritated at its being reported that he was to be 
treated as a deserter, having been a half-pay officer in the Bri- 
tish service at the commencement of the war. They therefore is- 
sued a proclamation, threatening to retaliate on the prisoners in 
their possession, whatever punishment should be inflicted on any 
of those taken by the British; and especially that their conduct 
should be regulated by their treatment of general Lee. 

Congress now proceeded with the utmost diligence to recruit 
theij army; and bound their soldiers to serve for the term of 
three years, or during the continuance of the war. The army for 
i he ensuing campaign, was to consist of eighty-eight battalions, of 
which each province was to contribute its quota ; and twenty dol- 
lars were offered as a bounty to each soldier, besides an allotment 
of lands at the end of the war. In this agreement it was stipulat- 
ed, that each soldier should have one hundred acres, an ensign 
one hundred and fifty, a lieutenant two hundred, a captain three 
hundred, a major four hundred, a lietenant-colonel four hun- 
dred and fifty, and a colonel five hundred. Those who only en- 
listed for three years were not entitled to any lands. Those who 
were wounded in the service, both officers and soldiers, were to 
enjoy half pay during life. To meet this expense, congress bor- 
rowed five millions of dollars at five per cent, for which the Unit- 
ed States was security. 

At the same time a declaration was publishsd tending to ani- 
mate the people to vigorous exertions, in which they set forth the 
necessity there was of taking proper methods for securing suc- 
cess. They endeavoured to palliate as much as possible, the mis- 
fortunes which had already happened; and represented the 
true cause of the present distress to be the short term of enlist- 
ment. 

This declaration, and the imminent danger of Philadelphia, 
roused the Americans to exert themselves to the utmost, to ob- 
tain reinforcements for general Washington's army. An exploit 
of that general, however, did more to animate the Americans in 
the cause than ail the declarations of congress. As the royal ar- 
my extended in different cantonments for a great way, general 
"Washington saw the necessity of making an attempt on some of 
those divisions which lay nearest to Philadelphia. These happen- 
ed to be the Hessians, who lay in three divisions, the last only 
twenty miles from that city. On the twenty-fifth of December, 
having collected as considerable a force as he could, he set out 
with an intent to surprize that body e i n emy which lay at 
Trenton. 



AMERICA. 77 

His array was divided into three bodies ; one of which he or- 
dered to cross the Delaware at Trenton ferry, a little below the 
town ; the second kt a distance below, at a place called Borden- 
town, where the second division of Hessians was placed; while 
he himself with t\\Q third, directed his course to a ferry some 
mile* above Trenton, which he intended to have passed at mid- 
night, and make the attack at break of day ; but various impe- 
diments so far obstructed his plans, that it was eight in the morn- 
ing before he reached the place of his destination. The enemy 
however did not perceive his approach till they were suddenly 
attacked. Colonel Rahl, their commander, did all that could be 
expected from a brave and experienced officer; but every thing 
was in such confusion, that no efforts of valour or skill, could now 
retrieve matters. The colonel himself was mortally wounded, 
bis troops were entirely broken, their artillery seized, and about 
one thousand taken prisoners. After this gallant exploit, general 
Washington returned into Pennsylvania. 

This action, though to appearance of no very decisive nature, 
was what turned the fortune of war in favour of America. It 
lessened the apprehensions which the Americans had of the Hes- 
sians, at the same time that it equally abated the confidence 
which the British had till now put in them; it also raised the 
desponding hopes of »he Americans, and gave a new spring to all 
their operation. Reinforcements now came in from all quarters, 
and general Washington soon found himself in a condition once 
more to repass the Delaware, and take up his quarters in Trenton, 
where he was emboldened to take his station, notwithstanding that 
accounts were received of the enemy's rapid advance towards him 
under lord Cornwallis, who shortly after made his appearance in 
full force; and on the evening of his arrival, the little town of 
Trenton contained the two hostile armies, separated only by a 
small creek, which was fordable in many places. 

This was indeed the crisis of the American revolution; and 
had his lordship made an immediate attack, in pursuance of 
what is reported to have been the advice of sir William Erskin, 
general Washington's defeat would have been inevitable; but a 
night's delay turned the fortune of the war, and produced an en- 
terprise, the magnitude and glory of which, can only be equalled 
by its success. 

A council of war having been called, general Washington stated 
the calamitous situation to which his army was reduced, and after 
hearing the various opinions of his officers, finally proposed a cir- 
cuitous march to Princeton, as the means of avoiding, at once the 
imputation of a retreat, and the danger of a battle, with forces so 
interior and in a situation so ineligible. The idea was unanimous- 
ly approved, and a i > soon as it was dark, the necessary measures 
were effected for accomplishing it. A line of fires were kindled, 



73 HISTORY OF 

which served to give light to the Americans, while it obscured 
them from the observation of the enemy ; the weather which had 
been for some time warm and foggy? suddenly changed to a hard 
frost, and rendered the road, which had been deep and heavy, 
smooth and firm as a pavement. The Americans considered this 
as a providential interposition in their favour. 

At break of day general Washington was discovered by a party 
of British troops consisting of three regiments, under the com- 
mand of colonel Mawhood, near Princeton, on their march to 
Trenton. With these the centre of the Americans engaged, and 
after killing sixty, wounded many, and taking three hundred 
prisoners, obliged the rest to make a precipitate retreat; some 
towards Trenton, and others to Brunswick. The loss of the Ame- 
rican?, as to number, was inconsiderable, but the fall of general 
Mercer was sensibly felt. 

The British astonished and discouraged at the success and spi- 
rit of these repeated enterprises, abandoned both Trenton and 
Princeton, and retreated to Brunswick; while the Americans in 
triumph retired to Morristown. General Washington, however, 
omitted no opportunity in recovering what had been lost; and by 
dividing his army into small parties, which could be called into 
general action at a few hours notice, he in a manner almost entire- 
ly covered the country with it, and took possession of the most 
important places. 

Thus ended the campaign of 1776, with no other real advantage 
to the British, than the acquisition of New York and a few for- 
tresses in the neighbourhood, where the troops were constrained 
to act with as much circumspection, as if they had been besieged 
by a victorious army, instead of being themselves the conquerors. 

, The British in New York began in 1777, to carry on a kind of 
predatory war, by sending out parties to destroy magazines, make 
incursions, and take or destroy such forts as lay on the banks of 
rivers accessible to their shipping; in this they were generally 
successful ; the provincial magazines at Peek's kill, a place about 
fifty miles distant from New York, were destroyed ; the town of 
Panbury in Connecticut was burnt, and that of Ridgefieldin the 
same province was taken possession of. The British, however, as 
they were returning from this last expedition, were harrassed by 
generals Arnold, Wooster, and Sullivan ; but they made good 
their retreat, in spite of all oppositions, with the loss of only se- 
venty killed and wounded. On the American side the loss was 
inuch greater : geueral Wooster was killed, and Arnold was in the 
most imminent danger. On the other hand the Americans de- 
stroyed the stores at Sagg harbour, in the east end of Long Island, 
ami'made prisoners of all who defended the place. 

As this method of making war answered no essential purpose, 
it was resolved to wiake an attempt on Philadelphia. It was first 



AMERICA. 79 

proposed to pass through the Jerseys to that city; but the impo- 
litic conduct of the British in countenancing the devastation of 
their plundering parties, had created universal abhorrence, and 
the large reinforcements which had joined general Washington, 
who had posted himself so strongly, that it was concluded to be 
impracticable. Many stratagems were used to draw him from 
his secure situation, but without success; it was therefore deter- 
mined to make the attempt by sea. 

While the preparations were going forward for this enterprise, 
the Americans found means to capture general Present and onn of 
his aids, who were seized in their quarters, much in the same 
manner as general Lee had been. 

The month of July was far advanced before the preparations for 
the expedition against Philadelphia were completed, and it was 
the twenty-third before the fleet was able to sail from Sandy 
Hook. The force employed in this expedition consisted of thirty 
six battalions of British and Hessians, a regiment of light-horse, 
and a body of loyalists raised at New York. The remainder of 
the forces, consisting of seventeen battalions and another body 
of light horse, were stationed at New York under Sir Henry 
Clinton ; and seven battalions were stationed at Rhode Island. 

After sailing about a week, they arrived at the mouth of the 
Delaware; but there having received certain intelligence that 
the navigation of the river was so obstructed that it would be im- 
possible to force a passage, it was resolved to proceed farther 
southward to Chesapeake bay, from whence the distance to Phi- 
ladelphia was not very great, and where the provincial army 
would find less advantage from the nature of the country, than 
in the Jerseys. 

The navigation from the Delaware to the Chesapeake took up 
the best part of the month of August, and that up the bay was 
difficult and tedious. At last, having sailed up the river Elk as 
far as possible, the troops were landed without opposition, and 
moved forwards towards Philadelphia. 

On the news of their arrival in the Chesapeake, general Wash- 
ington left the Jerseys, and fled to the relief of the city ; and, in 
the beginning of September, met the royal army at Brandy wine 
creek, about mid-way between the head of Elk and Philadelphia. 
General Washington practised his former method of skirmishing 
with, and harrassing the army on its march. But as this was found 
insufficient to stop its course, he retired to that side of the creek 
next to Philadelphia, with an intent to dispute the passage. A 
general engagement commenced on the eleventh of September, 
in which the Americans were defeated; and, perhaps, the night 
saved them from total destruction. The Provincials lost, in 
this engagement, about one thousand killed and wounded; be* 
Sides four hundred taken prisoners. 



so History of 

The loss of this battle proved the loss of Philadelphia. Gene-* 
ral Washington retired towards Lancaster, an inland town, about 
sixty miles from Philadelphia. But though he eould not prevent 
the loss of Philadelphia, he still adhered to his original plan of 
distressing the royal party, by laying ambushes, and cutting dff 
detached parties ; but in this he was not so successful as formerly ; 
and one of his own detachments, which lay in ambush in the 
woods, were themselves surprised,, and entirely defeated, with the 
loss of three hundred killed and wounded : besides seventy or 
eighty taken prisoners, and ail their arms and baggage. 

General Howe finding that the Americans would not venture 
another battle, even f >r the sake of their capital, took peaceable 
possession of it on i}i< twentv-sixth of September. His first care 
was to cut off by strong batteries, the communication between the 
upper and lower parte of the river; which was executed, not- 
withstanding the opposition of some American armed vessels ; one 
of which, carrying thirty-six guns was taken. His nest task was 
to open a communication with the sea; and this was a work of. 
no small difficulty. A vast number of batteries and farts had been 
erected.-and machines foritied like clievauxtle FHze (from whence 
thev took their name) had been sunk in the river, to prevent its 
navigation. J 

As the fleet had been sent round to the Delaware in order to co- 
operate with the army, this work, however difficult, was effected ; 
nor did the provincials give much opposition, well knowing that 
all places of this kind were now untenable. General Washington, 
however, took advantage of the royal army being divided, to at- 
tack the camp of the principal division of it, that lay at German- 
town in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia. In this he met with 
very little success ; for though he reached the place of destination 
by three o'clock in the morning, the patroles had time to call the 
troops to arms. The Americans notwithstanding, made a very 
resolute attack; but were received with so much bravery, that 
they were compelled to abandon the attempt, and retreat in great 
disorder, with the advantage of carrying off their cannon, though 
pursued a considerable way, after having upwards of two hundred 
killed, five hundred wounded, and four hundred made prisoners; 
Cmong whom were fifty-four officers. On the side of the British 
the lots amounted to four hundred and thirty wounded and pri- 
soners, and seventy killed; among the last, were general Ag- 
new and colonel Bird, with some other excellent officers. 

There still remained two strong forts to be reduced on the De- 
laware. These were Mud Island and Red Bank. The vari ms 
obstructions which the Americans had thrown in the Way, ren- 
dered it necessary to bring up the Augusta, a ship of the line, and 
the Merlin frigate, to the attack of Vlud Inland; but during the 
heat of the actwrifbtfth were grounded. The Americans observ- 



AMERICA. 81 

ing this, sent down four fire ships, and directed the whole fire 
from their galleys against them; but the courage and skill of the 
British seamen, prevented the former from taking effect. But 
during the engagement both the Augusta and Merlin took fire, 
and were burnt; and the other ships were obliged to withdraw. 

The Americans encouraged by this, proceeded to throw new 
obstructions in the way, but the British general having found 
means to convey a number of cannon, and to erect batteries with- 
in gunshot of the fort by land, and having brought up three ships 
of the line mounted with heavy cannon, and the Vigilant, a large 
ship cut down so as to draw but little water, mounted with 24 
pounders, made her way to a position from which she might enfi- 
lade the works on Mud Island. This gave the British such an ad- 
vantage, that the post was no longer tenable. 

Colonel Smith, who had with great gallantry defended the fort 
from the latter end of September to the eleventh of November, 
being wounded, was removed to the main ; within five days after 
his removal, major Thayer nobly off-red to take charge of this 
dangerous post; but was obliged to evacuate it within twenty-five 
days, But this event did not take place until the works were en- 
tirely beat down, every piece of cannon dismounted, and one of 
the British ships so near, that she threw hand-grenadoes into the 
fort and killed the men who were uncovered on the platform. The 
troops who had so bravely defended fort Mifflin, (which was 
the name given to it) made a safe retreat to Red Bank. Within 
three days after Mud Island was evacuated, the garrison was also 
withdrawn from Red Bank on the approach of lord Cornwall IS. 
A great number of the American shipping, now entirely without 
protection, sailed up the river in the night time. Seventeen 
however, remained, whose retreat was intercepted, by a frigate 
and some armed vessels 5 on which the Americans ran them on 
shore and burnt them. 

Thus the campaign of 1777, in Pennsylvania, concluded suc- 
cessfully on the part of the British. In the North, however, 
matters wore a different aspect. The expedition in that quarter 
had been projected by the British ministry, as the most effectu- 
al method that could be taken to subjugate the colonies at once. 
The New England provinces were still considered by the British, 
as the most active in the continuation of the war; and it was 
thought, that any impression made upon them, would contribute 
in an affectual manner, to the reduction of the rest. 

To carry this into execution, an army of four thousand chosen 
British troops, and three thousa d Germans, were put under the 
command of general Burgoyne ; and general Earleton was di- 
rected to use his interest with the Indians, to persuade them to 
join in this expedition ; and the province of Quebec was to furnish 
Jarffe parties to join the same. The officers who cammanded 



M HISTORY OF 

under general Burgoyne, were (general Phillips of the artillery, 
generals Fraser, Powel, and Hamilton, with the German officers, 
Reidesel and Specht. 

These soldiers were under excellent discipline, and had been 
kept in their winter quarters with great care, that they might be 
prepared for the expedition, on which they were going. To en- 
sure success of the main expedition, another was formed on the 
Mohawk river, under colonel St. Leger, who was to he assist-* 
ed by sir William Johnson, who had so greatly signalized him- 
self, in the war of 1755. On the 21st of June, 1 777, the British armj 
encamped on the western side of lake Champiain ; where being 
joined by a considerable body of Indians, general Burgoyne made 
a speech, in which he exhorted these new allies to lay aside their 
ferocious and barbarous manner of making war ; to kill only such 
as opposed them in arms ; and to spare prisoners, and such 
women and children, as should fall into their hands. He after- 
wards issued a proclamation, in which the force of Britain, and 
that which he commanded, was displayed in strong and nervous 
language, calculated to intimidate the provincials, but it had a 
contrary effect. 

The campaign opened with the siege of Ticonderoga. This 
place was very strong, and garrisoned by six thousand men under 
general St. Clair; nevertheless, the works were so extensive, 
that even this number was not thought sufficient to defend them 
properly. They had therefore omitted to fortify a rugged emi- 
nence, called Sugar hill, which overlooked and effectually com- 
manded the whole works. The Americans vainly imagined, that 
it was too difficult an ascent, for the enemy to take possession 
of it: on the approach of the first division of the army, the pro- 
vincials abandoned and set fire to their outworks, and so expe- 
ditious were the British troops, that on the 5th of July, every 
post was secured, which was judged necessary for investing it 
completely. 

A road was soon after made to the very summit of that emi- 
nence which the Americans supposed could not be ascended ; and 
they were now so much disheartened, that they instantly aban- 
doned the fort and made a precipitate retreat to Skenesborough, 
a place to the south of lake George; while their baggage and 
military stores, which they could not carry off, were sent to the 
same place by water. But the British generals were not disposed 
to let them get off so easily; but pursued and overtook them. 
Their armed vessels consisted only of fivegalleys ; two of which 
were taken and three blown up : on which they set fire to their 
boats and fortifications, at Skenesborough. The provincials lost 
two hundred boats and one hundred and thirty pieces of camion, 
with all their provisions and baggage. 



AMERICA, 83 

Their land forces under colonel Francis, made a brave defence 
against general Fraser ; and as they were superior in number, 
they almost overpowered him, when general Reidesel, with a 
large body of Germans, came to his assistance. The Americans 
were now overpowered in their turn ; their commander killed, 
thev fled in every direction. In this action two hundred of the 
provincials were killed, as many taken prisonors, and above six 
hundred wounded : many of whom perished in the woods for 
want of assistance. 

During the engagement, general St. Clair was at Castleton, 
about six miles from the place ; but instead of going forward to 
fort Ann. the next place of strength, he repaired to the woods 
which lie between that fortress and New-England. General 
Burgoyne, therefore, detached colonel Hill, with the ninth regi- 
ment, to intercept their retreat towards fort Ann: on his way he 
met with a body of the enemy, said to be six times as numerous 
as his own ; but after an engagement of three hours, they were 
obliged to retire with great loss. 

After so many disasters, and finding themselves unable to 
make any stand at fort z\nn. they set fire to it, and retired to fort 
Edward. In all these engagements, the loss of the killed and 
wounded, in the royal armv, did not exceed two hundred men. 
General Burgoyne now suspended his operations for some time ; 
and waited at Skenesborough for the arrival of his tents, pro- 
visions, &c. But employed this interval in making roads through 
the country about fort Ann, and in cleaning a passage for his 
troops to proceed against the enemy. This was attended with 
incredible toil. But the resolution and patience of the army 
surmounted all obstacles. 

Thus, after having undergone the greatest difficulties, and 
having made every exertion that man could make, he arrived 
with his army before fort Edward about the latter end of July. 
Here general Schuyler had been for some time endeavouring to 
recruit the scattered American forces, and had, been joined by 
general St. Clair, with the remains of his army; the garrison of 
fort George had also taken shelter there. But on the approach 
of the royal army they retired from fort Edward, and formed 
their head quarters at Saratoga. 

Notwithstanding these discoura^ng circumstances, the Amer- 
icans shewed no disposition to submit ; but prepared in the host 
manner they could to make the most effectual resistance. For 
this purpose the militia was every where raised and drafted, to 
join the armv at Saratoga ; and such numbers of volunteers were 
obtained, that they soon began to recover from the alarm into 
which their late losses had thrown them. 

The forces now collected were put under the command of 
general Arnold, who repaired to Saratoga with a considerable 



84 HISTORY OF 

train of artillery ; but receiving intelligence that colonel St. Leger 
was proceeding with great rapidity in his expedition on the Mo- 
hawk river, he removed to Stillwater, a place about halfway be- 
tween Saratoga and the junction of the Mohawk with Hudson's 
river. 

The colonel in the meantime, had advanced as far as fort 
Stanwix; the siege of which he pressed with great vigour; and 
understanding that a supply of provisions, guarded by eight 
or nine hundred men, was on its way to the fort, he despatched sir 
John Johnson with a strong detachment to intercept it. This he 
performed so effectually, that four hundred of the escort were 
slain, and two hundred taken ; the residue escaping with great 
difficulty. The garrison, it was expected, would be intimidated 
by this disaster, and by the threats aid representations of St. 
Leger: on the contrary, they made several successful sallies un- 
der colonel Willet, the second officer in command ; who, with 
another gentleman, ventured out of the fort, and eluding the 
vigilance of the enemy, passed through them, in order to hasten 
the march of general Arnold to their relief. 

The affairs of colonel St. Leger, notwithstanding his recent suc- 
cess, appeared in no very favourable situation: and they were 
totally ruined by the desertion of the Indians ; who had been 
alarmed by the report of general Arnold's advancing with two 
thousand men. to the relief of the fort; and while the colonel was 
endeavouring to encourage them, another report was spread that 
general Burgoyne had been defeated with great slaughter, and 
w r as flying before the provincials. On this he was obliged to com- 
ply with their fears, and ordered a retreat ; which was not effected 
without the loss of the tents, some artillery, and military stores. 

Difficulties and disappointments still continued to press upon 
general Burgoyne : the roads he had made with so much labour 
and pains, were destroyed by the enemy and wetness of the sea- 
son ; so that provisions from fort George could not be brought to 
his camp, without prodigious toil Having been informed of the 
siege of fort Stanwix, by colonel St. Leger, he determined to 
move forward, that he might enclose the enemy betwixt his own 
army and that of St. Leger; and in hopes of securing the com- 
mand of all the country between fort Stanwix and Albany. At 
any rate, a junction with St. Leger, was likely to produce the 
most happy consequences. The only difficulty was, the want of 
provisions ; and this it was proposed to remedy, by seizing the 
magazines of the provincials. 

For this purpose, colonel Baum, a German officer of great bra- 
very, was chosen with a body of five hundred troops. The mag- 
azines lay at Bennington.* about twenty miles eastward of Hud- 
son's river: in order to support colonel Baum's party, the whole 
army marched up the bank ol thenver, and encamped almost op- 



AMERICA. 

posite to Saratoga, with the river between it and that place. An 
advanced party was posted at Batten-kill, between the camp and 
Bennington, in order to support colonel Baum. In their way the 
royal detachment seized a large supply of cattle and provision*, 
which were immediately sent to the camp; but the badness of the 
roads retarded their march so much, that intelligence of their de- 
sign was sent to Bennington. Colonel Baum, understanding that 
the \merican force at that place, was much superior to his own, 
acquainted the general, who immediately sent colonel Breyman, 
with a party to his assistance : but the same causes which retard- 
ed the march of colonel Baum, also impeded the march of colonel 
Breyman, who could not arrive in time. General Stark, in the 
meantime, who commanded at Bennington, determined to attack 
the two parties separately; and advanced against colonel Baum, 
whom he surrounded on all sides, and attacked with the utmost 
violence. The German troops defended themselves with great 
valour, but were to a man either killed or taken. Colonel Brey- 
man, after a desperate engagement, had the good fortune to effect 
a retreat through the darkness of the night : which otherwise, he 
could not have done, as his men had expended all their ammu- 
nition. 

Disappointed in his attempt on Bennington, general Burgoyne 
applied himself with indefatigable diligence, to procure provisions 
from fort George ; and having at length procured a sufficient 
quantity to last for a month, he threw a bridge of boats over the 
river Hudson, which he crossed about the middle of September, 
encamping on the hills and plains of Saratoga. 

As soon as he approached the provincial army, which was en- 
camped at Stillwater, under general Gates, he determined to 
make an attack ; he placed himself at the head of the centre, 
having general Frazer and colonel Breyman on his right, and 
generals Reideseland Phillips, with the artillery on the left. In 
this position, the 19th of September he advanced towards the ene- 
my. Bi<t the Americans, confident in their number, did not now 
wait to be engaged : but attacked the central division with great 
impetuosity, and it was not till general Phillips with the artillery 
came up, at eleven o'clock at night, that they could be induced 
to retire to their camp. In this action the British lost five hun- 
dred in killed and wounded, and the Americans three hundred 
and nineteen. 

The resolution manifested by the Americans on this occasion, 
surprised and alarmed the British forces. But this did not pre- 
vent them from advancing towards the enemy, and posting them- 
selves within cannon shot of their lines the next day. But their 
Indian allies now began to desert, in great numbers : and at th^ 
same time the general was exceedingly mortified by having no 



66 HISTORY OF 

intelligence from sir Henry Clinton, who was to have assisted 
him as had been stipulated. 

He now received a letter from him by which he was informed 
that Sir Henry intended to make a diversion on the North 
River in his favour. This afforded but little comfort : and he re- 
turned an answer by several trusty persons who took different 
routes, stating his distressed situation ; at the same time inform- 
ing him, that his provisions and other necessaries would only en- 
able him to hold out till the 1 2th of October. 

The Americans, in the meantime, that they might effectually 
cut oft* the retreat of the British, undertook an expedition to Ti- 
conderoga ; but failed in the attempt, notwithstanding they sur- 
prised all the out posts, and took a great number of boats, and 
some - armed vessels, anrj a few prisoners. 

The army under general Burgoyne. however^ continued to la- 
bour under various distresses : his provisions fell short, so that in 
the beginning of October he diminished the soldiers* allowauce. 
On the seventh of that month lie determined to move towards the 
enemy: for this purpose he sent a body of one thousand five 
hundred men to reconnoitre their left wing: intending if possible 
to break through it, and effect a retreat. The detachment had 
not proceeded far, when a dreadful attack was made by the Ame- 
ricans on the left wing of the British army, which was with great 
difficulty preserved from being entirely broken, by a reinforce- 
ment brought up by general Fraser, who was killed in the attack. 
After the troops had with the most desperate efforts regained 
their camp, it was furiously assaulted by general Arnold ; who, 
notwithstanding all opposition, would have forced the entrench- 
ments, had he not received a dangerous wound, which obliged him 
to retire. Thus the attack failed, but on the right the German 
reserve was forced, colonel Brevman killed, and his country- 
men defeated with great slaughter, and with the toss of their ar- 
tillery and baggage* 

This was by f«v the greatest loss the British sustained since the 
battle of Bunkers hill: the list of the killed and wounded amount- 
ed to near twelve hundred, exclusive of the Germans : but the 
greatest misfortune was, that the Americans had now an opening 
on the ri.^ht and rear of the British forces, so that the army was 
threatened with entire destruction. This obliged general Bur- 
goyne once more to shift his position, that the enemy might also 
be obliged to alter theirs. This was a< r.jmplished on the night of 
the seventh without any loss, and all the next day he continued to 
offer the ei;en;y battle. The enemy now advanced on the right 
that they ryight enclose him entirely, which obliged general Bur- 
goyne to direct a retreat to Saratoga. But the Americans had 
stationed a strong force at the ford on Hudson's river, so that the 
only possibility of retreat was, by securing a passage to lake 



AMERICA. 8* 

George ; and to effect this, workmen Were despatched with a 
strong guard, to repair the roads and bridges that led to fort 
Edward. As soon as they were gone, the enemy seemed to pre- 
pare for an attack; which rendered it necessary to recall the 
guard, and the woiknlen being left exposed, could not proceed. 

The boats which conveyed provisions down the Hudson river, 
were exposed to the continual fire of the American marksmen, 
who captured many ; so that it became necessary to convey them 
over land. General Burgoyne finding it impossible to stay here, 
with any safety to his army, resolved to attempt a march to fort 
Edward, in the night, and force the passages at the fords either 
above or below. That he might effect this the more easily, it was 
resolved that the soldiers should carry their provisions on their 
backs, and leave behind them their baggage and every other in- 
cumbrance. But intelligence being received that the enemy had 
raised strong entrenchments opposite the fords, well provided with 
cannon, and that they had also taken possession of the rising 
ground between Fort George and Fort Edward, it was judged im- 
possible to succeed in the attempt. 

The American army was still increasing in numbers : and re- 
inforcements flocked in from all quarters, elated with the certain 
prospect of capturing the whole British army. Small parties ex- 
tended all along the opposite bank of Hudson's river, and some 
had passed it, that they might the more exactly observe every 
movement of the enemy. The forces under general Gates were 
computed at sixteen thousand men, while the army under gene- 
ral Burgoyne amounted to six thousand. 

Every part of the British camp was reached by the rifle and 
grape shot of the Americans. In this state of extreme distress 
and imminent danger, the army continued with the greatest con- 
stancy and perseverance, till the evening of the thirteenth of 
October, when an inventory of provisions beinaj taken, it was 
found that no more remained than was sufficient to last three days ; 
a council of war being called, it was unanimously determined 
that there was no other alternative but to treat with the enemy. 
In consequence of this, a negociation was opened the next day, 
which terminated in a capitulation of the whole British army ; the 
principal article of which was, " That the troops were to have a 
free passage to Britain, on condition of not serving against Ame- 
rica during the war." On this occasion general Gates generously 
ordered his army to keep within their camp, while the British 
soldiers went to a place appointed to lay down their arms, that 
the latter might not have the additional mortification of being 
made spectacles on so melancholy an event. 

The number of those who surrendered at Saratoga, amounted 
to five thousand seven hundred and fifty. According to the Ame- 
rican acconnts, the list of sick and wounded left in the camp when 



88 HISTORY OF 

the army retreated to Saratoga, amounted to five hundred and 
twenty-eight, and the number of those by other accounts, since 
the taidng of Ticonderoga, to near three thousand. Thirty-five 
brass field pieces, seven thousand stand of aims, clothing for an 
eqnsA number of soldiers, with tents, military chests, &c. con- 
stituted the booty on this occasion. 

tiir Henry Clinton in the meantime, instead of taking effectual 
measures for the immediate relief of general Burgoyne, of whose 
situation he had been informed, amused himself with destroying 
the two forts called Montgomery and Clinton, with fort Consti- 
tution, and another place called Continental Village, where there 
were barracks for two thousand men ; he also carried away se- 
venty large cannon, a number of smaller ones, and a quantity of 
stores and ammunition. Another attack was made by sir James 
Wallace with some frigates, and a body of land forces, under 
general Vaughan, upon Esopus, a small flourishing town on the 
river. But these successes only tended to irritate the Americans, 
and injure the royal cause. 

On the sixteenth of March, 177$, lord North informed the 
house of commons, that a paper had been laid before the king, by 
the French ambassador, intimating the conclusion of an alliance 
between the court of France, and the United States of America. 
It was on the sixth of February, 1778, that the articles were for- 
mal! v signed, to the great satisfaction of France ; by which it was 
hoped that the pride of her formidable rival would be humbled, 
and her power lessened. For this purpose and her own agran- 
dizement. did France enter into an alliance with the revolted 
•cts of Great Britain : but not till after the capture of Bur- 
ied army, when the Americans had made it manifest, that 
they were able to defend themselves, without the interference of 
anv foreign power. How far that interference has been beneficial 
to France, the dreadful features of her own revolution must de- 
cide: and to which the American involution, undoubtedly gave 
birth. The articles were in substance as follow. 

1. If Great Britain should, in consequence of this treaty, pro- 
ceed to hostilities against France, the two nations should mutu- 
ally assist one another. 

2. The main end of the treaty was, in an effectual manner to 
maintain the independency of America. 

9. Should those places in North America, still subject to Great 
Britain be reduced by the colonies, they should be confederated 
with them or subjected to their jurisdiction. 

4. Should any of the West India islands, be reduced by France, 
they should be deemed its property. 

5. No formal treaty with Great Britain should be concluded, 
either by France or America, without the consent of each other; 
and it was mutually engaged, that they should not lay down their 



AMERICA, 89 

arms till the independency of the States had been formally 
acknowledged. 

6. The contracting parties mutually agreed to invite those pow- 
ers who had received injuries from Great Britain, tojoin the com- 
mon cause. 

7. The United States guaranteed to France all the possessions 
in the West Indies, whfoh she should conquer; and France gua- 
ranteed the absolute Independence of the United States, and their 
supreme authority over every country they possessed, or might 
acquire during the war. 

The house of commons looked upon this treaty as a declaration 
of war ; and the members were unanimous in an address to his 
majesty, promising to stand by him to the utmost, in the present 
emergency; but it was' warmly contended by the members of the 
opposition, that the present ministry should be removed, on ac- 
count of their numerous blunders and miscarriages in every in- 
stance. Many were of opinion, that the only way to extricate the 
nation from its trouble, was to acknowledge at once, the indepen- 
dency of America, that so they might do with a good grace, what 
they would inevitably have to do at last. Instigated with zeal for 
the national honour, the ministerial party was determined to re- 
sent the arrogance of France, and prosecute the war in America 
with increased vigour, should the terms about to be offered them 
be rejected. 

The agents of the Americans, in the meantime, were assidu- 
ously employed at the court of Spain, Vienna, Prussia, and Tus- 
cany* in order if possible, to conclude alliances with them ; or, 
at least to procure an acknowledgement of their independency. 
As it had been reported, that Great Britain had applied for as- 
feU-ance to Russia, the American commissioners were enjoined to 
use t! eir utmost endeavours with the German princes, to prevent 
such auxiliaries from marching through their territories; and 
also, to prevail with them to recall the Geniian troops already 
sent to America. 

To the Spanish court they proposed, that in case they should 
think proper to espouse their cause, the American States should 
assist in reducing Pensacola under the dominion of Spain ; pro- 
vided the citizens of the United States were allowed the free na- 
vigation of the river Mississippi, and (he use of the harbour of Pen- 
sacola : and they further offered, that if agreeable to Spain, they 
would declare war against Portugal, should that power expel the 
American ships from their ports. 

The troops under general Burgoyne in the meantime, were pre- 
paring to embark, agreeably to the convention at Saratoga, but 
Congress having received information that articles of ammunition 
and accoutrements, had not been surrendered as stipulated ; and 
ailedging also, some other cause, as that they apprehended slnis- 

Y 2 



90 HISTORY OV 

ter designs were harboured by Great Britain, to convey these 
troops to join the army at Philadelphia, or New York, positively 
refused to let them embark without an explicit ratification of the 
convention, properly notified by the British court. 

The season for action approaching, Congress was indefatigable 
in making preparations for a new campaign ; which, it was con- 
fidently affirmed, would be the last. General Washington, at 
the same time, to remove all necessary incumbrances from the 
army, lightened the baggage as much as possible, by substituting 
sacks and portmanteaus, in place of chests and boxes; and using 
pack-horses instead of wagons. The British army on the other 
hand, expecting to be reinforced by twenty thousand men, thought 
of nothing but concluding ihe war according to their wishes, be- 
fore the end of another campaign. 

Lord North's conciliatory bill, therefore, was received by them 
with the utmost concern and indignation : they considered it as a 
national disgrace; and some even tore the cockades from their 
hats and trampled them under their feet. By the colonists it was 
received with indifference. The British commissioners endea- 
voured to make it as public as possible; and Congress, as usual, 
ordered it to be printed in all the newspapers. Governor Try on 
inclosed several copies of the bill in a letter to General Washing- 
tun, intreating him, that he would allow them to be circulated ; to 
which the general returned for answer, a newspaper, in which 
bill was printed, with the resolutions of Congress upon it, 
which were, that whosoever presumed to make a separate agree- 
ment with Great Britain* should be deemed a public enemy; that 
the United States could not, with any propriety, keep correspon- 
dence with the commissioners, until their independence was ac- 
knowledged, and the British fleets and armies removed from 
A me lie a. 

The colonies were also warned not to siuTer themselves to be 
deceived into security by any offers that might be made ; but to 
Use their utmost endeavours to send their quotas into the field. 
Sfonre individuals, who conversed with the commissioners on the^ 
subject of the conciliatory bill, intimated to them that the day of 
reconciliation was past: that the haughtiness of B<iiain had ex- 
tinguished all filial regard in the breast of the Americans. 

tsiias Deane about this time arrived from France with two co- 
pies of the treaty of commerce and alliance, to be signed by con- 
gress. Advices of the most flattering nature were received from 
arious parts, representing the friendly disposition of the Euro- 
pean powers; all of whom it was said, wished to see the indepen- 
dence of America settled upon the most permanent basis. ^ 

Considering therefore, the situation of the colonies at this time, 
it was no wonder that the commissioners did not succeed. Their 
proposals were utterly rejected, and themselves threatened to be 



9 



AMERICA. 91 

treated as spies. But before any answer could he obtained from 
Congress, Sir Henry Clinton had taken the resolution of evacu- 
ating Philadelphia. Accordingly on the eighteenth of June, after 
having made the necessary prepartions, the army marched out 
of the>ci ty< and crossed the Delaware before noon, with all its bag- 
gage, and other incumbrances. General Washington, apprised of 
this design, had despatched expresses into the Jerseys, with or- 
ders to collect all the force that could be assembled, in order to 
obstruct the march of the enemy. After various movements on 
both sides, Sir Henry Clinton, with the royal army, arrived at a 
place called Freehold, on the twenty -seventh of June, where ex- 
pecting the enemy would attack him, he chose a strong situation. 
General Washington!, as was expected, meditated an attack as 
soon as the army began to march. The night was spent in mak- 
ing the necessary preparations, and general Lee was ordered 
with his division to be ready at day break. Sir Henry Clinton, 
justly apprehending that the chief object of the enemy was the 
baggage, committed it to the care of general Knyphaazen, whom 
he ordered to set out early in the morning, while he followed with 
the rest of the army. The attack was made, but the British ge- 
neral had taken such care to arrange his troops, and so effectually 
supported his forces when engaged with the Americans, that they 
not only made no impression, but were with difficulty preserved 
from a total defeat, by general W ashington, who advanced with 
the whole of the American army. 

The British troops retreated in the night, with the loss of three 
hundred men, of whom many died through fatigue (the weather 
being extremely hot,) not a wound being seen upon them. In this 
action, general Lee was charged by general Wa^hini^ton with dis- 
obedience and misconduct, in retreating before the B< iti*h army. 
He was tried by a court-martial, and sentenced to a suspension 
from his command for one year. When the British army had ar- 
rived at Sandy Hook, a bridge of boats was, by lord Howe's di- 
rections, thrown from thence over the channel which separated 
the island from the main land, and the troops were conveyed on 
board the fleet; after which they sailed to New York. General 
Washington then moved towards the North River; where a great 
force had been collected to join him, and where it was now ex- 
pected that operations of great magnitude would take place. 

France, in the meantime, was preparing to assist the Ameri- 
cans. On the fourteenth of April, 17T8, count D'Estaing had 
sailed from Toulon, with a strong squadron of ships of the line, 
and frigates ; he arrived on the coast. of Virginia, in the beginning 
of July, whilst the British iieet was employed in conveying the 
forces from Sandy-hook to New York. The French fleet con- 
sisted of one ship of 1^0 guns, one of eighty, six of 74, and four of 
64 ; besides several large frigates; and exclusive of its eomple- 



92 HISTORY OF 

ment of sailors , it had six thousand marines and soldiers on hoard. 
To oppose this, the British had only six ships of 64 guns, three of 
50. and two of 40, with some frigates and sloops. Notwithstand- 
ing this inferiority, the British admiral had posted himself so ad- 
vantageously, and displayed such superior skill, that D'Estaing 
did not think it adviseable to attack him : he was also informed by 
the pilots, that his large vessels could not go over the bar into the 
hook In the meantime, general Washington pressed him to sail 
to Newport. He* therefore, remained at anchor four miles off 
Samly hook, till the twenty-second of July, without eftectin^any 
thing more than the capture of some vessels; which through ig- 
norance of his arrival, fell into his hands. 

The next attempt of the French admiral! in conjunction with 
the Americans, was against Rhode Island. It was propospd that 
D'E^iaing, with the six thousand troops he had with him, should 
make a descent on the southern part of the island, while the 
Americans took possession of the North; at the same time* the 
French squadron was to enter the harbour of Newport, and take 
and destroy all the British shipping there. On the eighth of Au- 
gust, the French admiral entered the harbour, as was proposed, 
but was unable to do any material damage. Lord Howe, how- 
ever, instantly set sail for Rhode Island, and D'Estaing confid- 
ingin his superiority immediately came out of the harbour to attack 
him. A violent storm parted the two fleets, and did so much dam- 
age, that they were rendered totally unfit for action. The 
French suffered the most, and several of their ships being after- 
wards attacked by the English, very narrowly escaped being 
taken. On the twentieth of August, the French admiral return- 
ed to Newport in a shattered condition : but not thinking himself 
safe there, sailed two days after for Boston. 

In the meantime, general Sullivan had landed on the northern 
part of the island, with ten thousand men. On the seventeenth of 
August, they began their operations, by erecting batteries, and 
making their approaches to the British lines. General Pi^ot, 
however, had so secured himself on the land side, that the Ame- 
ricans could not attack him with any probability of success, with- 
out the assistance of a marine force. DEstaing's conduct in aban- 
doning them when he was master of the harbour, gave great dis- 
gust to the Americans, and Sullivan began to prepare for a re- 
treat. On perceiving his intentions, the garrison sallied out up- 
on him with such vigour, that it was with great difficulty he ef- 
fected it. He had not been long gone, when Sir Henry CJintou 
arrived with a reinforcement of four thousand men. The Ameri- 
cans thus having left the island, the British undertook an expe- 
dition to Buzzard's Bay, on the coast of New England, and in 
the neighbourhood of Rhode island; where they destroyed a great 
number of privateers and merchantmen; magazines," and stoje- 



AMERICA. 93 

houses, &c. They proceeded next to Martha's vineyard, from 
whence they carried oft* ten thousand sheep and three hundred 
black cattle. 

Another expedition under the command of lord Cornwall is and 
general Knyphauzen, went up the North River; the principal 
object of which was the destruction of a regiment of cavalry, 
called Washington's light horse. 

A third expedition was directed to Little Egg Harbour in New 
Jersey, a place noted for privateers ; it was conducted by cap- 
tains Ferguson and Collins, who completely destroyed the enemy's 
vessels. At the same time, a body of American troops, called 
Pulaski's legion, were surprised, and a great number cut off. 

The conquest of West Florida in the beginning of the year, was 
projected by some Americans under the command of captain 
Willing, who had made a successful excursion into tha country. 
This roused the attention of the British to the sotrtKefli colonies, 
and an expedition against them was resolved on. Georgia was 
the place of destination, and the more effectually to ensure suc- 
cess, colonel Campbell, with a sufficient force, under convoy of 
some ships of war, commanded by commodore Paiker, embark- 
ed at New York, while General Prevost, who commanded in 
East Florida, was directed to set out with all the force he could 
spare. 

The armament arrived off the coast of Georgia in the month 
'of December, 1778, and though the Americans were very strongly 
posted, in a very advantageous situation on the shore, the British 
troops made goud their landing, and advanced towards Savannah, 
the capital or the province. The same day they defeated the 
American »orees which opposed them, and entered the town of 
Savannah with such celerity, that the enemy had not time to 
burn the town, as they had intended. In ten days the whole 
province wa> subdued except Sunbury ; and this was also obliged 
to submit to general Prevost in his march southward. 

To secure the tranquility of the province was now the main 
object of the British. Rewards were offered for apprehending 
committee and assembly men, and such as had taken a decided 
part against the British government. On the arrival of general 
Prevost, the command of the troops devolved on him as the senior 
officer; and the conquest of Carolina was next projected. In 
this attempt they were encouraged by many of the loyal inhabit- 
ants who had joined them; and there was not in the province 
any considerable body of the. enemy capable to oppose regular 
and well disciplined troops. 

On the first news of general Prevost's approach, the loyalists 
assembled in a body imagining themselves able to maintain their 
station until their allies should arrive ; but they were disappointed. 
The Americans attacked and defeated them with the loss of half 



94 HISTORY OF 

their number. The remainder retreated into Georgia, and with 
difficulty effected a junction with the British forces. General 
Lincoln, in the meantime, encamped within twenty miles of the 
town v,f Savannah, and another strong party oi the provincials 
posted themselves at Briar Creek, which circumscribed the Bri- 
tish government wiihin \ery narrow bounds. 

General Prevost, therefore, determined to dislodge the enemy at 
Briar (reek; and the provincials, trusting to their strong situa- 
tion, were remiss in their guard, by which neglect, they were 
unexpectedly surprised on the thirtieth of March, 1779, and 
totally routed, with the loss of three hundred killed and taken 
prisoners, besides a great number drowned in the river: all the 
artillery, stores, baggage, and hi most all the arms of this party 
were taken, so that Vaey were incapable of making any further 
opposition to the British in that quarter. 

Thus the province of Georgia was once more under the control 
of the British, and a communication was opened with Carolina. 
The victory at Briar Creek paved the way for the loyalists to 
join the British army, who considerably encreased its force. — ■ 
General Prevost was now enabled to extend his posts further up 
the river and to guard all the piineipal passes : so that general 
Lincoln was reduced to a state of inaction : and at last moved 
off to Augusta, that he might protect the assembly, which sat at 
that place ; the capital being now in possession of the British. 

The British general now began to put in execution the grand 
scheme which had been meditated against Carolina. Notwith- 
standing many difficulties lay in the way, the constancy and 
perseverance of the British forces prevailed. General Moultrie, 
who was stationed with a body of troops to oppose their passage, 
was obliged to give way, and retreat towards Charleston; and 
the British army, after encountering many difficulties through a 
marshy country, at length arrived in an open champaign, through 
which they passed with great rapidity, towards the capital; 
while general Lincoln marched to its relief. 

The danger to which Charleston was exposed, animated the 
American general. A chosen body of American' infantry was 
mounted on horses, for the greater expedition, and were despatch- 
ed before him ; while he himself followed with all the forces lie 
could collect. General Moultrie too with the troops he had brought 
from Savannah, and some others he had collected since his retreat 
from thence, had taken possession of all the avenues leading to 
Charleston, and prepared for a vigorous defence. But all oppo- 
sition was vain and ineffectual, the British army approached 
within cannon shot of Charleston on the twelfth of May, 1779. 

The town was now summoned to surrender, and the inhabit* 
ants would gladly have agreed to observe a neutrality during the 
rest of the war, and would also have engaged for the province. 



AMERICA. 9 5 

But these terms not being accepted, they prepared for a vigorous 
defence. It was not in the power of the British commander, 
however, to succeed at this time in an attack ; his artillery was 
not of sufficient weight* he had no ships to support him, and he 
knew thatgeneial Lincoln was advancing with a superior force ; 
and that he would he liable to be inclosed between his forces and 
those in the town. So that certain destruction awaited him upon 
the failure of his first attempt upon the town. He, therefore, 
prudently resolved to withdraw his forces: and took possession 
of two islands called Sfti James's and St. John's, lying to the 
southward; where, in a short time, his force was augmented by 
the arrival of two Hgates; with these he determined to make 
himself master, of Port Royal, another island possessed of a good, 
harbour, and many other natural advantages, commanding all the 
sea coast from Charleston to Savannah river. This, however, he 
could not accomplish without opposition from the American gen- 
eral, who attempted to dislodge him from his post on St. John's 
island*; but after an obstinate and unsuccessful attempt, was 
obliged to retire with considerable loss. 

The principal occasion of the success of the British was an 
armed float which galled the right flank of the Americans so effec- 
tually, that they could direct their efforts only against the strong- 
est part of the lines, which was impregnable to their attacks. 
This disappointment was followed by the loss of Port Royal, which 
general Prevost took possession of, and stationed his troops in. 
proper places, waiting the arrival of such reinforcements as were 
expected for the intended attack upon Charleston. 

Count D'Estaing, in the meantime, had put into Boston harbour 
to re'it, and used his utmost efforts to gain the good will of the in- 
habitants. He also published a proclamation to be dispersed 
through Canada, inviting the people to return to their original 
friendship with France ; declaring that all who renounced their 
allegiauce to the king of Great Britain, should be protected by 
toe king of France. 

The Canadians, however, were too wise to relinquish a present 
good, to depend upon the unsubstantial promises of a courtier, 
whose means were inadequate to his professions, and whose 
chief aim was to divide and ruin tlie British interest in America. 
The French admiral, as soon as his fleet was refitted, and 
while admiral Byron's had been shattered by a storm, took that 
opportunity of sailing to the West Indies ....During his operations 
then 1 , thit Americans represented his conduct as totally unser- 
viceable to ttiem : upon which he received orders from Eui 

>ist the colonies with all possible speed. Agreeably to these 
orders he directed his course towards Georgia* with the avowed 
design of recovering that province from the British, and to put 
it, as well as South Carolina, in such a stale of defence, as would 



96 HISTORY OF 

secure them from any future attack. This, Upon a superficial 
view appeared easy to be effected', as he knew there was but a 
small force to oppose him. 

The British fleet and army at New York was next to be de- 
stroyed, and their total expulsion from America was anticipated 
as an event at no a:reat distance. Full of these towering hopes, 
the French admiral arrived off the coast of Georgia, with a fleet 
of twenty sail of the line and ten frigates. 

His arrival was so unexpected, that several vessels laden with 
provisions fell into his hands. The experiment, a fifty gun ship, 
commanded by Sir James Wallace, was taken, after a stout re- 
sistance. On the continent, the British troops were divided. Gen- 
eral Prevost. with an inconsiderable party, was at Savannah; 
but the mam force under colonel Maitland, was at Fort Royal. 

On the first appearance of the French fleet, an express was sent 
off to colonel Maitland, but it was intercepted by the enemy ; so 
that before he could set out to join the commander in chief, the 
Americans had secured the principal passes by land, while the 
French effectually blockaded the passage by sea. But by taking 
advantage of creeks and inlets, and marching over land, he ar- 
rived just in time to relieve Savannah. 

D-Estaing had allowed general Prevost twenty-four hours to 
deliberate whether he should capitulate or not; this interval he 
made use of in making the best preparations in his power, and 
during this time colonel Maitland arrived. D'Estaing's sum- 
mons was now rejected. The garrison consisted of three thou- 
sand men of approved valour and experience. The united force 
of the French and Americans was about ten thousand. 

The event was answerable to the expectation of the British 
general : having the advantage of a strong fortification, and ex- 
cellent engineers, the fire of the allies made little impression ; 
so that ITEstaing resolved to bombard the town, and a battery 
of nine mortars was erected for that purpose. 

The allied commanders, from motives of policy, refused gene- 
ral Prevost's request to permit the women and children to retire 
to a place of safty, and they resolved to make a general assault. 
This was attempted on the ninth of October; but the assailants 
were every where repulsed with great slaughter; one thousand 
two hundred were killed and wounded : among the first was 
Count Pulaski, one of the conspirators against the king of Po- 
land, and among the latter was D'Esiaing himself. 

This defeat entirely overthrew the sanguine hopes of the French 
and Americans Rafter waiting eight days longer, the allied forces 
repeated ; the French to their shipping, and the Americans to 
Carolina. About this time sir George Collier was sent with a 
fleet, having geueral Matthews and a body of land forces on 
board, to Virginia. Their first attempt was against the town of 



AMERICA. <r 

Portsmouth, where the British troops carried off twenty v< 
with an immense quantity of provisions, designed for gerterai 
Washington's army, together with a variety of naval and milita- 
ry stores : at the same time and place v/ere burnt one hundred 
and twenty vessels, after which the British returned to New- 
York with little or no loss. 

The successful issue of this expedition, encouraged them to un- 
dertake another. The Americans had erected two strong forts 
on the Hudson river, the one at Verplank's neck on the east, and 
the other at Stoney Point on the west side; these were likely to 
be of the utmost service to the Americans, as they commanded 
the principal pass called King's ferry, between the northern and 
southern colonies. The force employed upon this occasion, was 
divided into two bodies, one of which was directed against Ver- 
plank's neck under the command of general Vaughan, the latter by 
general Patterson, while the shipping was under the direction of 
sir George Collier. General Vaughan met with no resistance ; the 
enemy abandoned their works at his approach. But at Stoney 
Point, a vigorous defence was made. The garrison, notwith- 
standing, was obliged to capitulate, but upon honorable conditions. 
General Clinton desirous to secure the possession of this last, 
removed from his former situation, and encamped in such a man- 
ner, that general Washington could not give any assistance. 

The Americans, however, revenged themselves of the British 
by distressing the trade of New York, by their numerous priva- 
teers. These privateers were chiefly built and harboured in Con- 
necticut ; an expedition, therefore, under the command of gov- 
ernor Tryon and General Garth, an officer of known valour and 
experience, was undertaken under a convoy of a considerable 
number of armed vessels ; they landed at New Haven, where 
they destroyed the batteries that had been erected to oppose 
them, besides a number of shipping and naval stores ; but as the 
inhabitants did not fire upon the troops from the houses, the 
buildings in town were spared. 

From New Haven they proceeded to Fairfield, which they reduc- 
ed to ashes. Norwalk was next attacked and afterwards Greenfield, 
a small sea-port in the neighbourhood, both of which were burnt 

These successes were alarming, as well as detrimental to the 
Americans, so that general Washington was determined at all 
events, to drive the enemy from Stoney Point. For this purpose 
general Wayne was sent with a detachment of chosen men, with 
directions to take it by surprise. After the capture of it by the 
British, the fortifications had been completed and made very 
strong ; notwithstanding, the Americans passed through a heavy 
fire of musquetry and grape shot, and in spite of all opposition 
obliged the surviving partof the garrison, consisting of five hun- 
dred men, to surrender themselves prisoners ot war. 

z 



£8 HISTORY OF 

The Americans did not attempt to retain the possession of Stonejr 
Point, but their success in surprising it, encouraged them to make 
a similar attack on Paulus Hook, a post strongly fortified on the 
Jersey side opposi+e to Mew York. After having completely sur- 
prised the posts, major Lee, the American commander, finding it 
impossible to retain them, made an orderly retreat with about one 
hundred and sixty-one prisoners, among uhom were -even officers. 

Another expedition, and of greater importance, was now under- 
taken by the Americans. This was against a post on the river 
Penobscot, on the borders of Nova Scotia, of which the British 
had taken possession, and where they had began to erect a fort 
which threatened to be very inconvenient to the Americans. The 
armament destined against it was so expeditiously tnted out that 
colonel Maclane. the commanding officer at Penobscot, wasoblig- 
ed to content himself with putting the works already construct- 
ed in as good a posture of defence as possible. The Americans 
could not effect a landng. or bring the guns of the Jargest 
vessels to bear upon the shore, without much difficulty. 

As soon as this was done, they erected several batteries, and 
kept up a brisk fire, for the space of a fortnight ; after which they 
proposed to give a general assault; but before this could he ef- 
fected Sir George Collier with a British fleet was seen sailing up 
the river to attack them. On this they instantly embarked their 
artillery and stores, sailing up the river as far as possible, to 
avoid being: taken. But they were so closely pursued, that not a 
single vessel escaped : thus the American fleet consisting of nine- 
teen armed vessels and twenty-four transports were destroyed. 
The soldiers and sailors were obliged to wander through im- 
mense deserts, where they suffered much for want of provisions ; 
and to add to their calamities a quarrel between the seamen and 
soldiers broke out. concerning; the cause of their misfortunes; a 
violent affray ensued, in which a great number were killed. 

Thus the arms of France and America being every where un- 
successful, the independency ef the latter seemed yet to be in 
danger, notwithstanding the assistance cf so powerful an ally. 

The hopes of the Americans were again revived by the acces- 
sion of Spain to the confederacy against Great Britain. The eager 
desire of Spain to humble Great Britain appeared to have dtpriv- 
her of that cautious reserve which seems interwoven with the 
constitution of the Spanish government. They certainly did net 
consider that by establishing an independent empire so mar 
them, their rich possessions in South America would be in danger, 
and open to the incursions of a powerful and enterprising people, 
whenever they chose to extend their territory. 

The first act of hostility against Great Britain by the Spaniards, 
was an invasion of We si Florida, in Septep ber, 177 ( J. Tfoey ea- 
sily made themselves Blasters of the whole, as tine was iittio 



AMERICA. 99 

or no opposition ; the country being in no state of defence. They 
next proceeded to the bay of Honduras, where the British log- 
wood cutters were settled. These finding themselves too weak 
to resist, applied to the governor of Jamaica for assistance, wbd 
sent them a supply of men, ammunition, and military stores under 
captain Dalrymple. ^ 

Before the arrival of this detachment, the principal settlement 
called SK George's Key, had been taken by the Spaniards, and 
retaken by the British Captain Dalrymple in his way, fell in with 
a squadron from admiral Parker's fleet, in search of some regis- 
ter-ships richly laden; but they retreated into the harbour of 
Omoa, under the protection of a fort that was too strong to be 
attacked on the water side with safety. 

A project was then formed, in conjunction with the people of 
Honduras, to reduce this fort; but the artillery they had with 
them were too light to make any impression. It was then deter- 
mined to try the success of an escalade ; and this was executed 
with so much spirit, that the Spaniards were so astonished that 
they made no resistance. 

The soldiers threvv down their arms and surrendered. The 
spoil was very great, being valued at three millions of dollars. 
The Spaniards chiefly lamented the loss of two hundred and fifty 
q uintals of quick-silver, a commodity indispensably necessary iu 
the working of their gold and silver mines ; so that they offered 
to ransom it at any price; but this was refused : as also the ran- 
som of the fort, notwithstanding the governor offered three hun- 
dred thousand dollars for it. A small garrison was left in it by 
the British. But it was soon after attacked by a formidable force, 
and they were obliged to evacuate it. But before they retired, 
they destroyed every thing that could be of use to the enemy : the 
guns were spiked, and they even locked the gates, and carried off 
the keys in sight of the besiegers ; after which the garrison em- 
barked without the loss of a man. 

The war in America was now transferred to the southern col- 
onies where the operations became at last decisive. Towards the 
end of the year 1779, sir Henry Clinton sailed from New York ' 
with a considerable body of troops, intended for an attack on 
Charleston in South Carolina, in a fleet of ships of war and trans- 
ports under the command of vice admiral Arbuthnot. After a 
tedious voyage, in which they suffered some losses, they arrived 
at the Havannah, where they endeavoured to repair the damages 
they had sustained during the voyage. From thence they pro- 
ceeded to North Kdisto, on the tenth of February, 1780. The 
passage thither was speedy and prosperous. The transports all 
entered the harbour next day ; and the army took possession of 
St. John's Island, about thirty miles from Charleston, without 
asy opposition. 



i<3Q HISTORY OF 

Preparations were immediately made for passing the squadron 
ever Charleston bar: but no opportunity offered of going into the 
harbour, until the twentieth of March; when it was effected 
tout any accident, though the American gal lies continually at- 
tempted to prevent the English boats from sounding the channel. 

The British troops had previously removed from St. John's to 
1 James 5 island ; and on the twenty-ninth of the same month, 
•Uoy effected their landing on Charleston neck. They broke 
ground on the first of April, within eight hundred yards of the 
\ineiican works $ and by the eighth, the guns were mounted in 
*aitery. 

.* diuiral Arbuthnot in passing Sullivan's island, sustained a se- 
\ ere fire from the American batteries erected there, and suffer- 
ed : ome damage in his rigging, twenty-seven sea-men were killed 
und wounded, the Acetus transport, having on board some naval 
-lures, grounded within gun-shot of the island, and was so much 
damaged that she was abandoned and burnt. Sir Henry Clinton 
and the admiral on the 10th of April, summoned the town tosur- 
i e inler to his majesty's arms. But general Lincoln, who corn- 
led in Charleston, answered with a declaration of his inten- 
tion to defend the place, the batteries were then opened against 
the town, and after a short time, the fire from the American ad- 
vanced-works abated. The troops in the town, were not suffi- 
ileni in point of numbers, for defending works of such extent as 
e of Charleston ; many of them had not been much accustom- 
ed to military service, and very badly provided with clothes, and 
other necessaries. Supplies and reinforcements which were 
anxiously expected by general Lincoln from Virginia, and other 
pluses, were intercepted by Earl Cornwallis and lieutenant colo- 
nel Tarleton. They totally defeated a body of cavalry and mili- 
ua, as they were proceeding to the relief of the town ; they like- 
v>i-e secured certain posts which commanded the adjacent 
country j by which means they often prevented supplies of provi- 
sions from entering into the town. 

Tarleton, however, was defeated by colonel Washington, at 
head of a regular troop of horse ; which circumstance afford- 
ed the ladies in Charleston, who were warmly attached to the 
cause of their country, an opportunity of rallying the British offi- 
cers, and Tarleton in particular, who affecting to make his court 
to one of them, by commending the bravery of colonel Washing- 
ton, added he should like to see him ; she wittily replied, he 
might have had that gratification, had he looked behind him when 
he tied from the battle of the Cowpens. 

On the 1 8th of May, General Clinton again summoned the town 
to surrender upon the same terms as he had offered before. Gen- 
eral Lincoln then proposed articles of capitulation, but they were 
net agreed to by general Clinton, At length the town being 



AMERICA. TOi 

closely invested, and preparations made for storming it, and the 
ships consisting of the Roebuck. Richmond, and Romulus, Blonde, 
Virginia, Raleigh, and Sandwich armed ship, and the renown, 
all ready to move to the assault. General Lincoln at the earnest 
entreaty of the inhabitants, surrendered it on such articles as had 
been proposed by the British general. This was on the 4th of 
May, the town having held out one month and two days, since it 
had first been summoned to surrender. 

A large quantity of ordnance, arms and ammunition, were 
fouud in Charleston, and according to sir Henry Clinton's account, 
the number of prisoners amounted to live thousand six hundred 
and tifteen men, but according to the account transmitted to con- 
gress by general Lincoln, amounted only to two thousand four 
hundred and eighty seven ; to account for the great difference in 
the two statements, in the most satisfactory manner, must be, by 
supposing that general Clinton included the militia and inhabi- 
tants of the town. Several American frigates were* also taken, 
and destroyed in the harbour of Charleston. 

After the surrender of the town, general Clinton issued two 
proclamations, and a hand bill was circulated among the inhabi- 
tants of South Carolina ; the design of which was to induce them 
to return to their allegiance, and. to be ready to join the king's 
#» troops. It imported that the helping hand of every man was 
wanted to establish peace and good order ; and that as the com- 
mander in chief, wished not to draw the king's friends into danger, 
while success remained doubtful, so now, as all doubts upon this 
head were removed, he trusted that one and all would heartily 
join to effect such necessary measures, as from time to time, 
might be pointed out for that purpose, 

'Those who had families, were to form a militia to remain at 
* home, and assemble occasionally in their own districts, when re- 
quired, under officers of their own choosing. Those who had no 
families and could be conveniently spared for a time, it was pre- 
sumed, would cheerfully assist his majesty's troops, in driving 
their oppressors, acting under the authority of congress, and all 
the miseries of war, far from that colony. 

For this purpose it was said to be necessary, that the young 
men should be ready to assemble when required, and serve with 
the king's troops for any six months of the ensuing twelve, that 
might be requisite, under proper regulations. They might choose 
officers for each company to command them, and were to be al- 
lowed, when on service, pay, ammunition, and provisions, in the 
same manner as the king's troops. When they joined the army, 
each man was to be funmhed with a certiiicate, declaring, that 
he was only engaged as a militia-man for the term specified, that 
he was not to be marched beyond North Carolina and Georgia,; 
and that when the time was expired, he was freed from all claims 

z 2 ♦ 



102 HISTORY OF 

whatever of military service, excepting the common and usual 
militia duty where he lived. He would then, it was said, have 
paid his debt to his country ; and be entitled to enjoy undisturbed, 
that peace, liberty, and property, at home, which he had con- 
tributed to secure. 

The proclamations and publications of general Clinton produced 
some effect in South Carolina. A number of the inhabitants of 
Charleston, who were considered as prisoners on parole, signed 
an address to general Clinton and admiral Arbuthnot, amounting 
to two hundred and ten persons, soliciting to be re admitted to the 
character and condition of British subjects, declaring their disap- 
probation of the doctrine of American independence, and ex- 
pressing their regret, that after the repeal of those statutes which 
gave rise to the troubles in America, the overtures made by his 
majesty's commissioners had not been regarded by congress. 

Before we proceed any further with the transactions in South 
Carolina, it will be necessary to take a view of the war in another 
part of the continent. On the tenth of July, 1780, M. Ternay with 
a fleet consisting of seven ships of the line, besides frigates and 
transports, with a large body of French troops commanded by 
count Itochambeau, arrived at Rhode Island ; and the following 
day, six thousand men were landed there : a committee of (he gen- 
eral assembly of Rhode Island was appointed to congratulate 
the French general upon his arrival : whereupon he returned an 
answer in which he informed them that the king his master, had 
sent him to the assistance of his good and faithful allies, the 
United States of America. At present, he said, he only 
brought over the vanguard of a much greater force destined for 
their aid : and the king had ordered him to assure them that his 
whole power should be exerted for their support. He added that 
the French troops were under the strictest discipline ; and were 
to act under the orders of general Washington, and that they 
would live with the Americans as brethren. 

A scheme was soon after formed, ©f making a combined attack 
with English ships and troops under the command of sir Henry 
Clinton and admiral Arbuthnot, against the French fleet and troops 
at Rhode Island. Accordingly a considerable part of the troops 
were embarked at New York for that purpose. As soon as gene- 
ral Washington received information of their design, by a rapid 
movement, he passed the North river, and with an army of 
twelve thousand men proceeded to King's Bridge, in order to at- 
tack New York : but learning that the British general had chang- 
ed his intentions, and disembarked his troops on the twenty-first 
of the month, he re-crossed the river, and returned to his for- 
mer station. 

An unsuccessful attempt was also made about this time in the 
Jerseys, by Knyphauzen, with seven thousand British troops un- 



AMERICA. 103 

der his command, to surprize the advance posts of general Wash- 
ington's army. They proceeded with great expedition, towards 
Springfield, meeting little opposition till they came to the bridge, 
which was gallantly defended by one hundred and seventy of the 
continental troops, for fifteen minutes, against the British army ; 
but were at length obliged to give up so unequal a contest, with 
the loss of thirty -seven men. After securing this pass, the British 
marched from place to place, and committed some depredations, 
but gained no laurels, and were obliged to return without effect- 
ing any thing material. 

The~ royal arms were attended with more success in South Car- 
olina. Earl Cornwallis, who now commanded the troops in that 
quarter, obtained a signal victory over general Gates on the six- 
teenth of August. The action began at day break : the Ameri- 
cans were much more numerous than the British, but numbers 
were of no advantage, as the ground on which both armies stood, 
was narrowed by swamps on the right and left. 

The attack was made by the British troops with great vigour, 
and in a few minutes it became general along the whole line. It 
was at this time a dead calm, the air was hazy, so that t ! >e smoke 
occasioned so thick a darkness, that it was impossible for eiiher 
party to see the effects of a very heavy fire, and well supported 
on both sides. The British troops kept up a constant fire, or made 
use of bayonets as opportunities offered; and after an obstinate 
resistance of three quarters of an hour, the Americans were thrown 
into confusion, and forced to give way in every quarter. The 
continental/troops behaved well ; but the militia were soon bro- 
ken, and left the former to oppose the whole force of the British 
troops. General Gates did all in his power to rallv them, but 
without effect: the regular troops under general Gates retreated 
in good order; but the route of the militia was so great, that the 
British cavalry pursued them to the distance of twenty-two miles 
N from the place where the action happened. The Americans 
lost one thousand in killed and wounded, and a like number it 
is said, taken prisoners ; but the accounts were not very accurate. 

The British troops engaged in this action did not exceed two 
thousand men, while the American army is said to have amount- 
ed to six thousand men, of which the greater part was militia* 
Seven pieces' of brass cannon, a number of colours, and all the 
ammunition-wagons, were taken. The killed and wounded of 
the British troops amounted to two hundred and thirteen. Ma- 
jor-general Baron de Kalb, a Prussian officer in the x\merican ser- 
vice, was taken prisoner, after he had been mortally wounded; 
he had distinguished himself in the course of the engagement by 
his gallantry, and received eleven wounds. 

Lieutenant colonel Tarleton, who had greatly distinguished 
himself in this action, was detached the next day, with someca- 



104 HISTORY OF 

valry and light infantry, to attack a party of Americans under 
the command of general Sumpter; he executed this service with 
great military address. He had received certain intelligence of 
Sumpters movements; and by forced and concealed marches, 
came up with, and surprised him, in the middle of the day, on the 
18th of the month, near the Catawba fords: the detachment un- 
der Sumpter was totally dispersed, amounting to seven hundred 
men ; one hundred and fifty were killed on the spot, and three 
hundred made prisoners: two pieces of brass cannon, and forty- 
four wagons, were likewise taken. 

While the French fleet and army were blockaded at Rhode 
Island, by admirals Graves and Arbuthnot, with a fleet of ten 
sail of the line, and the Americans were brooding over their 
disappointments ; the campaign of 1780 having passed away in 
the northren states, in successive and reiterated distresses ; the 
country exhausted, and the continental currency expiring; the 
army inactive for want of subsistence ; while these disasters were 
openly menacing the ruin of the American cause, treachery was 
secretly undermining it. 

General Arnold, a distinguished officer, a native of Connecti- 
cut, who had been among the foremost to take up arms against 
Great Britain, and widen the breach between the parent state 
and the colonies : his distinguished military talents had procured 
him every honour, a grateful country could bestow : he possessed, 
and was in the full enjoyment of, substantial fame : his country 
had not only loaded him with honours, but forgiven his crimes: 
he wfco had been prodigal of life in his country's cause, was in- 
dulged in extraordinary demands for his services. But the gene- 
rosity of the states did not keep pace with the extravagance of 
their favourite officer. His love of pleasure produced the love of 
money : to attain which he sacrificed his honour and duty. He 
made eontracts, and entered into partnerships and speculations, 
which could not bear investigation. Thus embarrassed, a change 
of political sides afforded the only pronable hupe of evading a 
scrutiny, and bettering his circumstances, and gratifying his fa- 
vourite passions. 

The American army was stationed in the strong holds of the 
High Lands, on both sides of the North River ; Arnold was en- 
trusted by general Washington, with the command of West Point, 
a strong fortified post. This was called the Gibralter of Ameri- 
ca, and was built for the defence of the North River. Rocky 
ridges rising one behind another rendered it so secure, that it could 
not be invested by a less number than twenty thousand men.. ..Ar- 
nold being entrusted with the command, carried on a negociation 
with general Clinton, by which it was agreed, that Arnold should 
so a: range matters, that Clinton should be enabled to surprise 
West Point, and have the garrison so completely iu his power. 



AMERICA. 105 

that the treops must either lay down their arms, or be cut to pieces. 

The loss of this fort would have been severely felt, as it was 
the repository of their most valuable stores. Sir Henry Clinton's 
agent in this negociation was major Andre, adjutant-general of 
the British army, a young officer of uncommon merit ; nature had 
bestowed on him her choicest gifts 5 he possessed many amiable 
and rare qualities ; his fidelity, his place, and character fitted him 
for this important business; but his high idea for candour, his ab- 
horrence of duplicity, and nice sense of honour, made hi in reject 
those arts of deception which was necessary to accomplish its 
success. To favour the necessary communication, the Vulture 
sloop of war had been previously stationed in the North river as 
near to Arnold's posts as was possible, without exciting suspicion. 
A written correspondence had been carried on between Arnold and 
Andre, under the ficticious names of Gustavus and Anderson. A 
boat was sent in the night to bring major Andre to shore ; he was 
met by Arnold on the beach without the posts of either army. As 
their business was not finished before the dawn of day, which 
made it unsafe for Andre to return to the Vulture sloop of war, 
he was persuaded by Arnold to lie concealed until the next ni^ht. 
He was then conducted within one of the American posts, against 
his previous stipulation and knowledge, and continued with x\r- 
nold the following day. The next ni^ht the boat men refused to 
take him back, as the Vulture had changed her position. The 
only practicable mode of escape was by land to New York. 

To ensure success he changed his uniform, which he had hith- 
erto worn ufider a surtout; was furnished with a horse, and a 
pass under the name of John Anderson, allowing him to go to the 
White Plains, or lower if he thought proper. He advanced alone, 
and undisturbed a great part of the way. And when he expected 
he was nearly out of danger, was stopped by three of the New 
York malitia, who, with others were scouting between the posts of 
v the two armies. Major Andre, instead of producing his pass, asked 
the man who stopped him " where he belonged to ?" who answered, 
" to below," meaning New York. He replied " so do I,"and de- 
clared himself a British officer, and desired he might not be detain- 
ed. He soon found his mistake. The captors proceeded to search 
him ; sundry papers were found in his possession. These were se- 
creted in his boots, and were in Arnold's hand writing. They con- 
tained exact returns of the state of the forces, ordnance at West 
Point, the artillery orders, and critical remarks on the works, &c. 

Andre offered his captors a purse of gold and a new valuable 
watch, if they would let him pass ; and permanent provision and 
future promotion, if they would convey and accompany him to 
New York. This was refused, and he was delivered a prisoner to 
colonel Jameson, who commanded the scouting parties. Andre still 
assumed the name of John Anderson,, and asked leave to send a 



106 HISTORY OF 

letterto Arnold, to acquaint him with his detention: this was grant- 
ed, and \rno'd immediately, upon the receipt of the letter, aban- 
doned every thing, and went on board the Vulture sloop of war. 

Lieutenant- colonel Jameson forwarded, by an express, all the 
papers found on Andre, together with a letter from that gentle- 
man, avowing his name and rank, in which he endeavoured to 
shew that he did not come under the description of a spy. The 
style of the letter was dignified, without insolence. He stated, 
that he had held a correspondence with a person, by order of his 
general : that his intention went no further, than to meet that 
person on neutral ground, for the purpose of intellegence ; and 
that against his express stipulation and intention, he was brought 
within the American post**, and had to concert his escape from 
them. Being taken on his return, he was betrayed into the vile 
condition of an enemy in disguise. He concluded with requesting, 
whatever his fate should prove, a decency of treatment might be 
observed, which would mark, that though unfortunate, he was 
branded with nothing that was dishonourable, and that he was 
involuntarily an impostor. 

General Washington referred the case of major Andre to the 
decision of a board of general officers. On his examination, he 
candidly confessed every thing relating to himself; and particu- 
larly, that he did not come on shore under the sanction of a flag. 
The board did not examine a single witness, but founded their 
report on his own confession : and finally gave it as their opinion, 
" that major Andre ought to be considered as a spy ; and that 
agreeably to the laws and usages of nations, he ought to suffer 
death." 

Every exertion was made by the royal commanders, and every 
plea that ingenuity and humanity could suggest, to save the life 
of Andre, but without effect. Greene proposed delivering him 
up for Arnold ; but this could not be aceeded to by the British, 
consistent with principles of sound policy. Andre, though supe- 
rior to the terrors of death, wished to die like a soldier. To obtain 
this favour, he wrote a letter to general Washington, fraught with 
sentiments of military dignity. General Washington did not 
think proper to grant this request ; but his delicacy was saved 
from the pain of a negative denial. The guard which attended 
him in his confinement, marched with him to the place of execu- 
tion. Major Andre walked with firmness, composure, and dig- 
nity, between two officers of his guard, his arm locked in theirs. 
Upon seeing the preparations at the fatal spot, he asked with 
some concern, " Must I die in this manner?" He was told it was 
unavoidable. He replied, u 1 am reconciled to my fate, but not 
to the mode:" but soon added, "it will be but a momentary 
pang." He ascended the cart with a pleasing countenance, and 
with a composure which excited the admiration, and melted the 



AMERICA. 107 

hearts, of the spectators. Their sensibility was strongly impress- 
ed, by beholding a well dressed youth, in the bloom of life, of a 
peculiarly engaging person, mien, and aspect, devoted to imme- 
diate execution. He was asked, when the fatal moment was at 
hand, if he had my thing to say : he answered, " Nothing but to 
request that you will witness to the world, that I die like a brave 
man/' In a few succeeding moments the affecting scene was 
closed. To offer any further remarks upon the fate of this valu- 
able and accomplished officer, would be unnecessary, as the 
world has been sufficiently acquainted with every transaction 
respecting it. 

After the defeat of general Gates by Earl Oornwallis, that no- 
bleman exerted himself to the utmost, in extending the progress 
of the British arms, and with considerable effect. But one enter- 
prise, which was conducted by major Ferguson, was unsuccessful. 
That officer had been very active in his exertions in the royal 
cause, and had taken great pains to improve the discipline of the 
loyal militia; with about one thousand four hundred of these, he 
made several incursions into the country. He was, however, at- 
tacked on the 7 th of October, 17£0, by a superior body of Ameri- 
cans, al Kind's mountain, and totally defeated. One hundred and 
fifty were killed in the action, and eight hundred and ten made 
prisoners, and one thousand five hundred stand of arms were 
taken. 

But the month following, lieutenant colonel Tarleton, with a 
party of one hundred and seventy cavalry, attacked general 
ISumpter, who is said to have had one thousand men, at a place 
caiied Black Stocks, and obliged him to retire. Sumpter was 
wounded, and about one hundred and twenty of his party killed, 
wounde i, and taken prisoners : about fifty of the British were 
killed and wounded. 

v On the third of September, the Mercury, a Congress packet, 
was taken by the Vestal, commanded by captain Kepple. near 
Newfoundland. On board this packet was Henry Laurens, late 
president of Congress, who was bound on an embassy to Holland. 
He had thrown his papers overboard, but the greatest part of 
them were recovered, without receiving much damage, lie was 
brought to London, and examined before the privy council; in 
consequence of which, he was committed a close prisoner to the 
tower, on a charge of high treason. The contents of those papers, 
hastened the rupture winch s^on alter took place, between Great 
Britain and Holland ; for among them was lound, the plan of a 
fceaty, between the United States of North America, and the 
republic oi Holland. 

On the first of January, 1781, the troops that were hutted at 
Jlorrisfovvn, caiied tin'. Pennsylvania tine; turned out. in number 
about one thousand three hundred, and declared tuey would serve 



108 HISTORY OF 

no longer, unless their grievances were redressed. A riof ensued, 
in which an officer was killed, and some wounded. They then 
collected the artillery and stores, and marched out of the camp. 
As they passed by the quarters of general Wayne, he sent a mes- 
sage u> them, requesting them to desist, or the consequei ces 
might prove fatal. They nevertheless proceeded on their march, 
till the evening when they posted themselves advantageously, and 
elected officers to command them ; the next day they marched to 
Middlebrook, and on the third, they reached Princeton, where 
they fixed their quarters. On that day, a flag of truce was sent 
to them from the officers of the American camp, with a message, 
desiring to be informed what were their intentions. Some alleg- 
ed they had served out the time of their enlistment, and would 
serve no longer; and others declared they would not return, unless 
their grievances were redressed. But they all at the same time 
protested, that they were not actuated by motives of disaffection 
to the American cause. This ihey soon had it in their power to 
make manifest, when general Clinton (who was soon informed 
of the revolt, and hoped to draw them over to the British interest) 
sent two messengers with tempting offers to that purpose: these 
they disdainfully refused, and delivered up the messengers to 
Congress. Joseph Reid, Esq. president of the state of Pennsylva- 
nia, afterwards effected an accommodation ; those who had served 
out their full time, were permitted to return home, and the others 
upon satisfactory assurances that their grievances should be re- 
dressed, rejoined their countrymen in arms. 

To return to North Carolina, wherelord Cornwallis had began 
to make vigorous exertions in order to reduce that province, but 
was delayed by general Morgan and the troops under him, who 
attempted to make themselves masters of the valuable district of 
Ninety-Six. To prevent this, his lordship despatched lieutenant- 
colonel Tarleton, with three hundred cavalry, three hundrecflight 
infantry, the seventh regiment, the first battalion of the seventy- 
first regiment, and two three pounders, to oppose the progress of 
Morgan. The British commander had not the least doubt of the 
success of the expedition. On the 17th of January, the royal 
detachment came up with the Americans under general Morgan, 
two thirds of whom were militia: these were drawn up in a wood, 
at a place called the Cowpens, near Pacolet river. The British, 
besides the advantage of field-pieces, had five to four in infantry, 
and more than three to one in cavalry, the attack was begun by 
the fust line of infantry, consisting of the seventh regiment, and - 
a corps of light infantry, with a troop of cavalry placed in each 
flank. The first battalion of the severity -first, and <he remainder 
of the cat airy, formed the reserve. The American line soon gave 
way, and the n ilitia quitted the field; upon which the king^s troops 
supposing victory certain, engaged with ardour in the pursuit and 



AMERICA. 16? 

were thereby thrown into disorder : general Morgan's corps, who 
were supposed to have been routed, immediately faced about, and 
discharged so heavy a fire upon the royal troops, as threw them 
into such confusion, that they were at length totally defeated by 
the Americans. Four hundred of the British light infantry were 
killed, wounded, or taken prisoners : the two field pieces fell into 
the hands of the Americans, together with the colours of the sev- 
enth regiment ; and almost all the detachment of royal artillery 
were cut to pieces in defence of their colours. Colonel Tarleton 
then retreated to Hamilton's ford, near the mouth of Bullock^s 
creek, with part of his baggage, having destroyed the rest. This 
stroke was sensibly felt by lord Cornwallis. «- 
* The care of collecting the remains of Tarleton's corps, now 
principally employed his thoughts, as well as to endeavour to form 
a junction with general Leslie, who had been ordered to march 
towards him with a body of British troops from Wynnesborough. 
Considerable exertions were then made by part of the army, to 
, retake the prisoners, and intercept general Morgan's corps on its 
retreat to the Catawba. But that officer, by forced marches, had 
crossed it the evening before a great rain, which swelled the river 
to such a height as prevented the British from crossing for seve- 
ral days ; in which time the prisoners, with their captors, had 
crossed the Yadkin*river, whence they proceeded to the river 
Dan, which they also passed ; and on the 14th of February 
reached Guilford court-house in Virginia. 

Lord Cornwallis halted two days to collect flour, and rid him- 
self of all unnecessary incumbrances. Being thus prepared, he 
marched through North Carolina with great rapidity, and pene- 
trated to the extremities of that province, to the banks of the river 
Dan : some skirmishes ensued, but he met with no very consider- 
able opposition. On the first of February, 1781, the king's troops 
crossed the Catawba, at M'Cowan's ford, where general David- 
son with a party of American militia was posted, in order to op- 
pose their passage, but he was killed at the first discharge ; the 
royal troops made good their landing, and the militia retreated. 
When lord Cornwallis arrived at Hillsborough, he erected the 
royal standard, and invited by proclamation, all loyal subjects to 
repair to it, and assist in the restoration of order and good gov- 
ernment. He had been informed that the king's friends were 
numerous in that part of the country : but the event did not con- 
firm the truth of such information. The royalists were but few 
in number, or too timid to join the king's standard. About two 
hundred were proceeding to Hillsborough, to avow their attach- 
ment to the royal cause, under colonel Pyle, but they were met 
accidentally by a detachment of the American army, who killed 
several of them, as they were begging for quarters, without mak- 
ing the least resistance. General Greene in the rr.eanvvhiie #£.3 

A a 



110 HISTORY OF 

marching with great expedition with the troops under his com- 
mand, to form a junction with other American corps, that he 
might impede the progress of lord Cornwallis. 

General Greene having effected a junction on the tenth of 
March 1781, with a regiment of continental troops, and two large 
bodies of militia from Virginia and North Carolina, was resolved 
to attack the British troops under lord Cornwallis. They accord- 
ingly marched on the twelfth, and oh the fourteenth arrived at 
Guilford. Lord Cornwallis was apprised of the designs of the 
American general; as they approached nearer to each other, a 
few skirmishes between the advanced parties took place. On the 
fifteenth, lord Cornwallis proceeded with his whole force, to at- 
tack the Americans on their march, or in their encampment. 
About four miles from Guilford, the advanced guard of the Bri- 
tish army, commanded by colonel Tarleton, was met by lieuten- 
ant-colonel Lee's division, with whom he had a severe skirmish, 
and was obliged to make a precipitate retreat. The country in 
which the action happened is a perfect wilderness, excepting 
some few fields inteispersed. 

The American army was posted on a rising ground, about a 
mile and a half from Guilford court house: it was drawn up in 
three lines, the front composed of the North Carolina militia, un- 
der the command of generals, Butler and Eaton ; the second 
line of Virginia militia commanded by generals Stephens and 
Lawson, forming two Brigades ; the third line consisting of two 
brigades, one of Maryland, and the other of Virginia continental 
troops; and a regiment ofyriflemen, under the command of col- 
onel Lynch, formed a corj£ of observation for the security of the 
right flank ; lieutenant-colonel Lee, with his legion, a detachment 
of light infantry, and a corps of riflemen, under colonel Campbell, 
formed a corps of observation for the security of the left flank. 
The attack on the American army, was made in the following 
order by the directions of lord Cornwallis. On the right the regi- 
ment of Bose, and the seventy-first regiment, led by major-gen- 
eral Leslie, and supported by the first battalion of guards ; on the 
left, the twenty-third and thirty-third regiments, led by lieuten- 
ant-colonel Webster, and supported by the grenadiers, and se* 
cond baita lion of guards, commanded by brigadier- general OTIa- 
ra. The yagers and light infantry, remained in a wood on the 
left of the ordnance, ready to act as circumstances might require. 

Abuuttwo o'clock P. M. the attack began by a cannonade which 
lasted about twenty minutes, when the action became general. 
The American forces under colonels Washington and Lee, were 
warmly engaged and did great execution. Colonel Tarlctoivs 
orders, were to keep the cavalry compact, and not to charge 
without positive orders, except it was to protect an\\of the divi- 
sions from the most hum incut danger of being defeated, Tho 



AMERICA. Ill 

woods were so thick, that the British could not make a free use of 
the bayonet. The second battalion of guards, were the first that 
gained the clear ground, near Guilford court-house, where was a 
corps of continental infantry, superior in number ; these were 
formed in the open field, on the left of the road, Desirous of sig- 
nalizing themselves, they immediately attacked, arid soon de- 
feated tWm, taking two six pounders ; but as they pursued the 
Americans with too muchwdour to a wood, they were thrown 
into confusion by a heavy fire, and were instantly driven into the 
field, by colonel Washington's dragoons, who recovered the two 
six-pounders. The American cavalry were afterwards repulsed, 
and the two six-pounders again fell into the hands of the British. 

The British having broken the second Maryland regiment and 
turned the left flank of the Americans, got into the rear of the 
Virginia brigade, and were endeavouring to gain their right; 
which would have enclosed the whole of the continental troops; 
a retreat was immediately ordered by general Greene, which, 
was conducted with good order to Reedy-Fork river, and they 
crossed the ford about three miles from the field of action, where 
they halted. After the stragglers were collected, they retreated 
to the Iron works about ten miles from Guilford, and encamped. 
The Americans lost their artillery and ammunition-wagons. 

The action lasted one hour and a half, in which short space, 
according to the account of lord Cornwallis, there were of the 
British five hundred and thirty-two killed, wounded, and taken, 
prisoners. General Greene in his account to Congress, gives au 
account of no more than three hundred and twenty -nine killed, 
wounded, and missing: but he gave no account of the militia, 
which was more than one hundred. Lieutenant-colonel Stewart 
was killed in the action, and lieutenant- colonel Webster; the cap- 
stains Schutz, Maynard, and Goadriche, died of the wounds they 
received, and the brigadier-generals O'Hara and Howard, and 
colonel TarJeton were wounded. The principal officer among 
the Americans killed, was major Anderson, of the Maryland line, 
and generals Stephens and Huger, were wounded. 

Notwithstanding general Greene's defeat, he endeavoured to 
make some further attempts against ticking's forces in South Car- 
olina. Lord Rawdon, an experienced* and very gallant officer, 
Was posted at Camden, with about eight hundred British troops 
and provincials. Greene appeared before that place on the 1 9th 
of April, with a large body of continental troops and militia. De- 
spairing of success, should he attempt to storm the town, he 
therefore took such a position, a* he imagined, would be likely to 
induce the enemy to make a sally from their works ; when he 
thought he might attack them with advantage. Greene there- 
fore posted the Americans on an eminence, which was covered 
with wood, flanked on the left by an impassable swamp. 



112 HISTORY OF 

On the morning of the twenty-fifth, lord Rawdon marched 
out of Camden, and attacked Greene in his carnp, who was com- 
pelled to give way, after making a vigorous resistance: he had 
been in hopes of defeating the British, as he had chosen so advan- 
tageous a situation, and had a commanding superiority in point of 
number. The bravery of colonel Washington, was very conspicu- 
ous in this action ; he made two hundred of the English prisoners, 
besides ten or twelve officers, before Hfe perceived the Americans 
were retreating. The British had about one hundred killed and 
v. oursded, upwards of one hundred of the Americans were taken 
prisoners; and according to general Greene's account, there 
were one hundred and twenty-six Americans killed and wound- 
ed. The British, it was said, continued the pursuit three miles. 

After this action, the Americans retreated to Rud^ely mills, 
twelve miles from Camden. Lord Rawdon soon after left that 
place, having first burned the jail, mills, and some private houses. 

Greene's next expedition was an attack upon Ninety Six, 
which he attempted to storm, but was repulsed with great bra- 
very ; lie then retired with his army behind the Saluda river, a 
strong situation, about sixteen miles from Ninety Six. About this 
thne, rriLijor^Hi.rr^iFhiiiips, and brigadier-general Arnold, made 
some predatory excursions into Virginia and did considerable dam- 
age by destroying the American stores and magazines; but the 
i oval cause was not much benefitted by such a waste of property. 

Lord Cornwallis after his victory over general Greene, atGuil- 
t *;d. proceeded as aforesaid, to Wilmington : and on the twenti- 
eth of May, arrived at Petersburg, in Virginia. On the six- 
teenth of Jane, 1781, about six miles from Williamsburg, lieuten- 
ant-colonel Shncoe, with about three hundred and fifty of the < 
rjweer&'s rangers* and eighty yagers mounted, were attacked by a 
superior body of Americans whom they repulsed with great* 
>.dvy and success, making four officers, and twenty private 
fi&en prrsoaers. The loss of the Americans in this action, is 
said to 'nave been more than one hundred and twenty. Of the 
iiFsk, only forty. 

G*i ihe sixth of July, an action took place near the Green 
Springs in Virginia, between a reconnoitering party of Ameri- 
cans, under general Wayne, and a large party of the British ar- 
my under 1 jrd Cornwallis, in which the Americans had one hun- 
dred and twenty seven killed and wounded ; and the loss of the 
royal troops is said to have been much greater. 

In a variety of skirmishes about this time, the Marquis de la 
Fayette distinguished himself. On the 9th of September, general 
Greene defeated colonel Stuart, near the Eutaw Springs, in South 
Carolina; it was an obstinate engagement, and lasted two hours. 

Lord Cornwallis now began to be sensible that his situation in 
Virginia was very critical ;,the reinforcements and supplies -be- 



AMERICA. 113 

ing expected from sir Henry Clinton ^and without which he could 
not ensure himself success in his operations) had not arrived. 
General Washington's military movements were such as impress- 
ed on the mind of the British general, a fear that his designs 
were upon New York; he therefore thought it too hazardous, 
to send anv large body of troops to the assistance of his lordship. 

General Washington haying thus for a considerable time kept 
sir Henry Clinton in continual alarm, suddenly quitted his camp 
at the White Plains, crossed the Delaware, and marched towards 
Virginia, with the design of attacking lord Cornwallis. Sir Henry 
Clinton, about the same time, was informed that the count de 
Grasse with a large French fleet, was expected every moment in 
the Chesapeake, in order that he might co-operate with general 
Washington. He immediately sent both by land and water, in- 
telligence to lord Cornwallis; and also sent him assurances, that 
he would either reinforce him, or make the most effectual diver- 
sion in his power. 

On the 28th of August, sir Samuel Hood, with a squad- 
ron from the West Indies, joined the squadron under admiral 
Greaves, before New York. They immediately proceeded to the 
Chesapeake; where they arrived on the fifth of September, with, 
nineteen ships of the line, when they found count de Grasse 
anchored in the bay, with twenty-four ships of the line. The 
French admiral had previously landed a large body of troops who 
^immediately marched to join the American army under general 
Washington. On the same day the two fleets came to an engage- 
ment : on board the British fleet ninety were killed, and two 
hundred and forty-six wounded. Some of the ships were much 
** damaged, and the Terrible, a 74 gun ship, was so much shattered, 
that it was found most expedient to set her on fire. The two 
^ fleets continued in sight of each other for five days. 

At length the French fleet anchored within the Capes, so as to 
block up the passage. Admiral Greaves then held a council of 
war, in which it was resolved, that the fleet should proceed to 
New York, and the ships be put in the best state for service. Be- 
fore the news of this action had reached New York, a council of 
war was held there, in which it was resolved that five thousand 
men should be embarked in the king's ships, and proceed to the 
assistance of lord Cornwallis, but this resolution was rescinded, 
when it was known that the French were absolute masters of the 
Chesapeake. In another council it was resolved that, as lord 
Cornwallis had provisions to last him to the end of October, it 
was most ad*i*eable, to wait for the arrival of admiral Digby, 
who was expected with three ships of the line. 

In the meantime the most effectual measures were adopted by 
general Washington for surrounding the British army under lord 
Cornwallis. A large body of French troops were under the com- 

Aa 2 , 



114 HISTORY OF 

wand of lieutenant-general the count Rochambeau, with a large 
train of artillery. The American forces were in number one 
thousand three hundred : eight hundred of whom were continental 
troops: the whole under the command of general Washington. 

On the twenty-ninth of September, 1781, York Town, in Vir- 
ginia v. as completely invested, and the British army quite blocked 
vp. The day following, sir Henry Clinton wrote a letter to lord 
Cornwallis, containing assurances that he would do every thing 
that was in his power to relieve him, and some further information 
respecting the manner in which he intended to accomplish that 
relief A duplicate of this letter was sent to lord Cornwallis by 
major Cochran: that gentleman went in a vessel to the Capes 
and made his way through the whole French fleet in an open boat. 
He got to York Town on the tenth of October, and the next day 
had his head taken off by a cannon ball, as he was walking by 
the side of lord Cornwallis. The fate of this gallant officer drew 
tears from the eyes of his lordship. 

After the return of admiral Greaves to New York, a council of 
war was held, in which it was resolved, that a large body of troops 
should be embarked, and that exertions of both fleet and army 
should be made, in order to form a junction with lord Cornwallis. 

Sir Henry Clinton, himself with seven thousand troops, went 
on board the fleet, on the eighteenth. They came abreast of 
Cape Charles, at the entrance of the Chesapeake, on the twenty- 
fourth, where they received intelligence that lord Cornwallis had$ g 
been obliged to capitulate five days before. It was on the the nine- 
teenth that his lordship surrendered himself and his whole armv, 
by capitulation, prisoners to the combined armies of America aifd 
France;.* He made a defence worthy his former fame for mili- " : 
tary achievements, but was compelled to submit by imperious ne- 
cessity, and superior numbers. The British prisoners amounted^ 
to upwards of six thousand, but many of them, at the time of sur- 
render were incapable of duty. The prisoners, cannon, and 
military stores, fell to the Americans, except the seamen, who, 
with the shipping, found they were, by the articles of capitula- 
tion, to be delivered up to the French. 

After this event the subjugation of the colonies was virtually 
given up. Some inconsiderable skirmishes took place between 
the Refugees and the Americans, afterwards ; but were not of 
that importance as to merit a place in history. 

On the fifth of May, 1/8:?., sir Guy Carleton arrived at New 
York, being appointed to the command of the British troops in 
North America: soon after his arrival he wrote a letter to gene- 
ral Washington, informing him that admiral Digby, with himself, 
were appointed commissioners to treat for peace with the people 
of America. Another letter was sent, dated the second of August, 
and signed by sir Guy Carleton and admiraj Digby, in which 



AMERICA. 115 

they informed general Washington, that nesrociations for a gene- 
ral peace had commenced at Paris. Notwithstanding these fa- 
vourable appearances, the Americans were jealous that it was the 
design of the British court to disunite them, or induce them to 
treat of a peace separately from their atty the king of France. 

Congress, therefore, passed a resolution : that any man or body 
of men, who should presume to make any separate treaty, partial 
convention, or agreement, wi'h the king of Great Britain, or with 
any commissioner or commissioners, under the crown of Great 
B. irain, ought to be treated as open and avowed enemies of the 
United States of America, and that those States could not with 
propriety hold any conference or treaty with any commissioners 
on the part of Great Britain, unless they should, as a preliminary 
thereto, either withdraw th^ir Meets and armies, or in express 
terms acknowledge the Independence of the said States. On the 
thirtieth of November, 1782, the provincial articles of peace and 
reconciliation between Great Britain and the American States 
were signed at Paris; by which Great Britain acknowledged the 
Independence and sovereignty of the United States of America. 
These articles were ratified by a definitive treaty, September the 
third, 1783. John Adams, John Jay. and Benjamin Franklin, 
Esq'rs. were the gentlemen appointed by Congress to negociate 
this peace on the part of America ; and two gentlemen, Oswald 
and liartiy on the part of the British. It ought to he remarked 
there, and known to every American citizen, tbat France repeat- 
edly declared that her only view in assisting the Americans, was 
to diminish the power of Great Britain, and thereby promote her 
own interest, that she officiously interfered in the proposed treaty 
between Spain and America by her endeavours to circumscribe 
the latter within very narrow limits, proposing to deprive the 
, Americans of the right of navigation on the Mississippi, &c. 

Thus endeda long and unnatural contest, in whi -h Great Bri- 
tain expended many millions of pounds sterling, lost thousands 
of her bravest subjects, and won nothing. America obtained her 
Independence, at the expense of many thousands of lives and 
much treasure ; and has suffered exceedingly in the religious and 
moral character of her citizens. 

The great influx of foreigners which poured into America from 
all quarters, disseminated their pernicious principles amongst the 
people. Infidelity spread like the plague, through the different 
states, and threatens the subversion of those sober manners, and 
that love of order, which the christian religion inculcates. 

The eighteenth of October, 1783, Congress issued a proclama- 
tion, in which the armies of tSie United States were applauded 
" for having displayed through the progress of an arduous, and 
difficult war, every military and patriotic virtue, and for which 
the thanks of their country were given them." They also declared 



116 HISTORY OF 

that such part of their armies as s*ood engaged to serve dur- 
ing the war, should from and after the third day of Noven her. be 
discharged from the said service. The day preceding their dis- 
mission general Washington -issued his farewell orders. The evac- 
uation of New York took place about three weeks after the Amer- 
ican army was discharged. For a twelve month preceding, there 
had been an unrestrained communication between that city, 
though a British garrison, ano th»* adjacent country; the bitter- 
ness of war had passed awav, and civilities were freely exchang- 
ed between those who lately were engaged in deadly contests, 
and sought for all opportunities to destroy each other. 

As soon as the royal army was withdrawn, general Washing- 
ton and governor Clinton, with their suite«, made a public entry 
into New York: a general joy was manifested by the citizens on 
their return to their habitations, and in the evening there was a dis- 
play of fire-works : they exceeded everything of the kind which 
had been seen in America. General Washington soon after took 
leave of his officers, they having been previously assembled for that 
purpose. Calling for a glass of wine he thus addressed them, "with 
a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you, I most 
devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and hap- 
py, as your former ones have been glorious and honourable." 

* He afterwards took an affectionate leave of each of them; when 
this affecting scene was over, Washington left the room, and 
passed through the corps of light infantry, to the place of em- 
barkation ; as he entered the barge, to cross the North river, he 
turned to his companions in glory, and waved his hat, and took 
a silent adieu. The officers who had followed him in mute pro- 
cession, answered his last signal with tears, and hung upon the 
barge which conveyed him from their sight, till they could no 
longer distinguish their beloved commander in chief. The gene- 
ral proceeded to Annapolis, the seat of congress, to resign his 
commission. On his way thither, he delivered to the comptroller 
in Philadelphia, an account of the expenditure of all the public 
money he had ever received. This real in his own hand writing, 
and every entry made in a very exact manner. The whole sum 
which passed through his hands during the war, amounted only 
to fourteen thousand four hundred and seventy-nine pounds 
eighteen shillings and nine pence, sterling; no sum charged or 
retained for personal services. 

The day on which he resigned his commission, a great number 
of distinguished personages attended the interesting scene, on 
the twenty -third of December, 1783 : he addressed the president, 
Thomas Mifflin, as follows : 

" Mr. President, 

The great events on which my resignation depended, having 
at length taken place, i have now the honor oi offti m& my sincere 



AMERICA. 117 

congratulations to congress, and of presenting myself before them 
to surrender into their hands, the trust committed to me, and to 
claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country, 

Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereign- 
ty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States 
of becoming a respectable nation, I resign with satisfaction the 
appointment f accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities 
to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded 
by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the 
supreme power of the Union, and the patronage of Heaven. 

The successful termination of the war has verified the most 
sanguine expectations, and my gratitude for the interposition of 
providence, and the assistance I have received from my country- 
men, increases with every review of the momentous contest. 

While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, I should 
do injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge, in this place 
the peculiar services and distinguished merits, of the persons who 
have been attached to my person dui ingthe war: it was impossible 
the choice of confidential officers to compose my family should have 
been more fortunate ; permit me, sir, to recommend in particular 
those who have continued in the service to the present moment, 
as worthy of the favourable notice and patronage of congress. 

I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last solemn 
act of my official life, by commending the interest of our dearest 
country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have 
the superintendence of them, to his holy keeping. 

Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the 
great theatre of action : and bidding an affectionate farewell to 
this august body, under whose orders I have long acted, I here 
offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments 
of public life." 

To which the president made a suitable reply. The mingled 
emotions that agitated the minds of the spectators during this 
interesting and solemn scene, were beyond description. 

Immediately on resigning his commission, general Washington 
" hastened with ineffable delights,'* (to use his own words) to his 
seat at Mount Vernon, on the banks of the Potomac, in Virginia. 

The country now free from foreign force and domestic violence, 
and in the enjoyment of general tranquility, a proposition was 
made by Virginia to all the other states, to meet in convention, 
for the purpose of digesting a form of government ; which finally 
issued in the establishment of a new constitution. Congress, 
which formerly consisted of one body, was made to consist of two : 
one of which was to be chosen by the people, in proportion to 
their numbers, the other by the state legislatures. Warm and 
animating debates took place on the propriety of establishing or 
rejecting it. The ratification of it was celebrated ia most of the 
states with elegant processions. 



118 HISTORY OF 

The first congress under the new constitution met at new York, 
in April, 1789. Though there were a great diversity of opinions 
about the new constitution, all were of one mind who should be 
their chief executive officer. The people unanimously turned their 
eyes on the late commander in chief, as the most proper person 
to be their first president. Unambitious of any increase of hon- 
ours, he had retired to his farm in Virginia, and hoped to be ex- 
cused from all further public service. But his country called him 
by an unanimous vote to fill the highest station in its gift. 

That pure and upright zeal for his country's welfare, which 
had uniformly influenced him to devote his time and talents to 
its service, again influenced him to relinquish the more pleasing 
scenes of retirement, and induced him once more to engage in the 
important concerns of public life. The intelligence of his election 
was communicated to him while he was on his farm in Virginia; 
he soon after set out for New York : on his way thither, every 
expression of respect, that a grateful people could bestow, was 
shewn him. Gentlemen of the first character and station, attend- 
ed him from state to state. A day was fixed soon after his arrival 
at New York, for his taking the oath of office. In the morning 
of the day appointed for this purpose, the clergy, of different de- 
nominations, assembled their congregations in their respective 
places of worship, and offered up prayers for the president and 
people of the United States. About noon, a procession, followed 
by a multitude of citizens, moved from the president's house to 
Federal Hall. When they came within a short distance of the 
hall, the troops formed a line on both sides of the way, through 
v.hich the president and vice-president John Adams, passed into 
the senate chamber. Immediately after, accompanied by both 
houses, he went into the gallery fronting Broad-street, and be- 
fore them and an immense crowd of spectators, took the oath, 
prescribed by the constitution: which was administered by R. 
R. Livingston, the chancellor of the state of New York. 

Dining the performance of this ceremony, an awful silence 
prevailed. The chancellor then proclaimed him, President of the 
United States qf\imerica. This was announced by the discharge 
of thirteen guns, and by the joyful acclamations of near ten 
thousand citizens. He then retired to the senate chamber, where 
he delivered a speech to both houses : near the conclusion of 
which he renounced ail precuniary compensation. 

This memorable day completed the organization of the new 
constitution. The experience of former ages, as well as of later 
times, has given many melancholy and fatal proofs, that popular 
governments have seldom answered in practice. The inhabitants 
of the United States are now making the experiment. That they 
may succeed in asserting the dignity of human nature, and a 
capacity of self government, is devoutly to be wished. 



AMERICA. 119 

The appointment of general Washington to the presidency of 
the United States, was peculiarly fortunate : he possessed such a 
commanding influence in the minds of the great bulk of the peo- 
ple, arising from a sure and well placed confidence in his patri- 
otism and integrity : that they with cheerfulness, acquiesced in 
all his measures for the public welfare: and notwithstanding, 
that during his administration. Great Britain and France were 
involved in a fhinous war, and there were many partizans in 
America, in favour of the latter, and would gladly have made a 
common cause with her against Great Britain; yef?*his firmness 
and sagacity, prevented the threatened evil, though they were 
encouraged by Genet, the ambassador from France, who openly, 
and in defiance of the government of the United States, attempt- 
ed to commission American citizens to arm and fit out vessels, 
to cruize against British subjects. The president's proclamation 
enjoining a strict neutrality, was sanctioned by the great body of 
the people; and the insolent ravings of Genet were taken no 
further notice of, than to furnish the different states with a fresh 
opportunity of expressing their continued approbation and con- 
fidence, in his political measures. 

When the term of his appointment as president had expired, 
he intimated to his friends, his intention to return once more to 
his loved retirement: he had even contemplated his farewell ad- 
dress, and was preparing to retire from the weight of public cares, 
when his countrymen, apprehensive for the public safety, in so 
critical a moment, united to implore him to desist from a resolu- 
tion so alarming to their fears. Their interposition prevailed, and 
he again entered upon the arduous task, to the manifest satisfac- 
tion of every honest American ; but what made the task sit more 
easy upon him, was the assistance of eminent men in the execu- 
tive department. The names of Adams, Hamilton, Pickering, 
"VVollcott, and others, are names which will long be remembered 
with gratitude by posterity, when the envenomed tongue of 
detraction will be forgotten. In 1796, in the month of September, 
a new election was to take place, when the public was anxiously 
desirous, that general Washington would again accept the first 
office in their gift ; but his unalterable resolution was taken, to 
recede from the toils of state. His farewell address, contains such 
prudent and sound advice to his fellow citizens, as shews that 
his country's welfare wis still dear to his heart. 

" Friends and Fellow-citizens, 

The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the 
executive government of the United States, being not far distant, 
and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be em- 
ployed in designating the person, who is to be clothed with the im- 
portant trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce 



12G HISTORY OF 

to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now 
apprize you ol the 1 1 solution I have formed, to decline being consid- 
ered among the nu inner of those, out of whom a choice is to be made. 

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, 
that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to 
all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a 
dutiful citizen to his country ; and that in withdrawing the tender 
of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influ- 
enced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest ; no defi- 
ciency of grateful respect for your past kindness ; but am sup- 
ported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. 

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto, in the office to 
which your suffrages have twice called me, have been an uniform 
sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference 
for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it 
would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with mo- 
tives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that re- 
tirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength 
of my inclination to this, previous to the last election, had even 
led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but ma- 
ture reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our 
affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons 
entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. 

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as in- 
ternal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible 
with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, 
whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the 
present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove 
my determination to retire. 

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, 
were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this 
trust, I will only say, that I have with good intentions, contributed 
towards the organization and administration of the government, 
with the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was ca- 
pable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my 
qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in 
the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of 
myself: and every day the encreasing weight of years admonishes 
me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary 
to me, as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances 
have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary; 
I ha\e the consolation to beiieve, that while choice and prudence 
invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. 

In looking forward to the moment which is intended to termi- 
nate ttie career cf mj public life, my Feejijigs do not permit me 
to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which 
1 owe to my beiovcd couri.rj for die many honors it has confencd 



AMERICA, 121 

upon me ; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has 
supported me ; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of 
manifesting my inviolable attachment, hy services faithful nod. 

Eerseverrng, though in usefulness unequal to my zeaK If benefits 
ave resulted lo our country from these services, let it aiwaj 
remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our 
annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in 
every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances some- 
times dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in skua* 
tionsia which not unfrequently, want of success has countenanced 
the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the es- 
sential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which 
they were effected.. ..Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall 
carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing 
vows, that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its 
beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be per- 
petual ; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, 
may be sacredly maintained : that its administration in every de- 
partment may be stamped with wisdom and virtue ; that in fine, 
the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices 
of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation, 
and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the 
glory of recommending it to applause, the affection and adoption 
of every nation wihich is yet a stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop ; but a solicitude for your wel- 
fare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of 
danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the 
present, to offer to your solemn contemplations, and to recommend 
to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of 
much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which ap- 
pear to me all -important to the permanency of your felicity as a 
people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as 
you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting 
friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his coun- 
sel. Nor can 1 forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent 
reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. 

interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of yotir 
hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or 
confirm the attachment. 

The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is 
also now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar in the 
edifice of your real independence, the support ot your tranquility 
at home, your peace abroad : of your safety ; of your prosperity ; 
of that very liberty which you so highly prize, liut as it is easy to 
foresee, that from different causes, ami trom diffeieut quarters, 
much pams will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in 
your amid* the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in 

b b 



122 HISTORY OF 

your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and 
external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though 
often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, 
that you should properly estimate the immense value of your na- 
tional union, to your collective and individual happiness : that \o\x 
should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment to 
it ; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the pal- 
ladium of your political safety, and prosperity ; watching for its 
preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever 
may suggest even a suspicion that it can in an event be abandoned 5 
and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt 
to alienate auy portion of our country from the rest, or to enfee- 
ble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. 

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. 
Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has 
a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American^ 
which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt 
the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived 
from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you 
have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. 
You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together : the 
independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint coun- 
cils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and successes. 

But these considerations, however powerfully they address 
themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those 
which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every por- 
tion of our country finds the most commanding motives for care- 
fully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. 

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse Hvith the South, pro- 
tected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the 
productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime 
and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufac- 
turing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefitting 
by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow, and its 
commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the 
seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigo- 
rated ; and while it coutributes in different ways, to nourish and 
increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks for- 
ward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is 
unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the 
"West, already finds, and in the progressive improve merit of inte- 
rior communications, by land and water, will more and more find 
a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, 
or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East, sup- 
plies requisite to its growth and contort ; and what is perhaps of 
Still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure en- 
joyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the 



AMERICA. 123 

weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic 
side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of in- 
terest as one nation — \ny other tenure by which the VV r est can 
hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own 
separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion 
with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. 

While then every part of our country thus feels immediate 
and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot 
fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts, greater 
strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from 
external danger, a less frequent interruption ot their peace by 
foreign nations ; and what is of inestimable value : they must de- 
rive from Union an exemption from those broils :ind wars between 
themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries, 
not tied together by the same government; which their own ri- 
vaiships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite 
foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues would stimulate and 
embitter.... Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those 
overgrown military establishments, which under any form of go- 
vernment are inauspicious to iiberty, and which are to be regard- 
ed as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty ; in this sense, 
it is that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of 
your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to 
you the, preservation of the other. 

These considerations speak a persuasive language to every re- 
flecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the 
Union as a primary object of patriotic desire.... Is there a doubt 
whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere ? 
Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a 
case were criminal. We are authorised to hope that a proper or- 
ganization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments 
for the respective sub-divisions, will afford a happy issue to the 
experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With 
such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of 
our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its im- 
practicability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism 
ot those, who in any quarter, maj endeavour to weaken its bands. 

In contemplating the cause* *!,;ch may itpiurb o«f union, ito^ 
curs as matters of serious concern, that any ground should have 
been furnished for characterising parties by Geographical discri- 
minations, '^Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western;" 
whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that 
there is a real difference of local interest and views. One of the 
expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, 
is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. Yon 
cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart- 
burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations : they tend 



124 HISTORY OF 

to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound togeth- 
er by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western coun- 
try have lately had an useful lesson on this head ; they have seen 
in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratifi- 
cation by the senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal 
.tatisfaetion at that event, throughout the United States, a 
*ive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated 
among them, of the policy in the general government and in the 

tic states unfriendly to their interests, in regard to the Mis- 
opi: ihey have been witnesses to the formation of two trea- 

that with Great Britain and that with Spain, which secure 
ib thetii every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign re- 
lations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their 

>£} to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the 

Union, by which they were procured ? will they not henceforth 

he deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever 

<d from their brethren, and connect them with aliens? 

To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government 

for the whole is Indispensable.— No alliances, however strict, be- 

m fche parts, can ^e an adequate substitute ; they must inevit- 

expei ienee the infractions and interruptions, which all alli- 

> in all times have experienced. Sensible of this moment- 
ous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adop- 
lioa of a constitution of government, better calculated than your 

v. for an intimate Union, and for the efficatious management 
of your common concerns. This government the offspring of our 
own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investi- 
gation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, 
in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with-eneroy, 
and containing within itself, a provision for its own amendment, 
has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for 
its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its mea- 
sures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true 
Liberty. The basis of our political system is the right of the peo- 
" pie to make and to alter their constitution of government ; but, 
the constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an ex- 
plicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory 
<> *•*. Th^ very i'i^n of thSe {hmv^ an^l the ri^ht of the peo- 
ple to establish government, pre-supposes the duty of every indi- 
vidual to obey the established government. 

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations 
and associations, under whatever plausible character, with real 
design to direct, control, counteract or awe, the regular delib- 
erations and actions of the constituted authorities, are destructive 
of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve 
to m ganifce faction, to &ive it an artificial and extraordinary force ; 
to put in the place of the delegated will of tht nation ; the will of a 



AMERICA. 125 

party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the 
community; and according to the alternate triumphs of differ- 
ent parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the 
ill -concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the 
organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common 
councils, and modified by mutual interests. 

However combinations or associations of the above description 
may now and then answer popular ends, they are, likely in the 
course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which 
cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men. will be enabled to 
subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the 
reins of government : destroying afterwards the very engines 
which lifted them to unjust dominion. 

Towards the preservation of your government, and the perma- 
nency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you 
steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged 
authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innova- 
tion upon its principles, however spacious the pretexts. One me- 
thod of assault may be to effect in the forms of the constitution, al- 
terations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to 
undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes 
to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are 
at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as 
of other human institutions ; that experience is the surest standard 
by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a 
country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hy- 
pothesis and opinion, and remember, especialy, that for the effi- 
cient management of your common interest, in a country so ex- 
tensive as ours, a government of as much vigour as is consistent 
with the perfect security of liberty^ is indispensable. Liberty 
itself will find in such a government, with powers properly dis- 
tributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is indeed little else 
than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the 
enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within 
the limits prescribed by the laws, and so maintain all in the secure 
and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. 

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the 
state, with a particular reference to the founding of them on geo- 
graphical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehen- 
sive view, and warn you, in the most solemn manner, against 
the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally. 

This spirit unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, hav- 
ing its root in the Strongest passions of the human mind. It exists 
under different shapes in all governments, more or less stilled, 
controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popular form, it is 
seen iu its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. 

The alternate dominion of one faction over another, sharpen- 

Bb2 



126 HISTORY OF 

edby the spirit of revenge, natural to party distention, which, in 
different ages and countries, has perpetrated the most horrid en- 
ormities, is itself a frightful despotism. ...But this leads at length 
to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and 
miseries which generally result, gradually incline the minds of men 
to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual : 
and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction more able or 
more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the 
purpose of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty. 

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which 
nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common and 
continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it 
the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. 
It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the 
public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded 
jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one party 
against another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It 
opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a 
facilitated access to the government itself, through the channels 
of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country 
are subjected to the policv and will of another. 

There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful 
checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to 
keep alive the spirit of liberty^ This, within certain limits, is 
probably true ; and in governments of a monarchical east, patri- 
otism may look with indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spi- 
rit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments 
purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their 
natural tendency, it is cer tain there w ill always be enough of that 
spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant dan- 
ger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, 
to mitigate and assuage it. A tire not to be quenched ; it demands 
an uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest in- 
stead of warming it should consume. 

It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free 
country should inspire caution, in those entrusted w ith its admin- 
istration, to confine themselves within their respective constitu- 
tional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of their powers of one 
department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment 
tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and 
thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despot- 
ism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse 
it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy 
us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal cheeks 
in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it 
into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of 
the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced 



AMERICA. 127 

by experiments ancient and modern ; some of them in our country 
and under our own eyes. To preserve them, must be as necessary 
as to institute them, If, in the opinion of the people, the distribu- 
tion or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particu- 
lar wron^, let it be corrected by an amendment in a way which 
the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usur- 
pation ; for though this in one instance, maybe the instrument of 
good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are 
destroyed. The precedent must always gently overbalance in 
permanent evil, and partial or transient benefit which the use can 
at any time yield. 

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political pros- 
perity. Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain 
would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour 
to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest 
props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, 
equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. 
A volume could not trace all their connexions with .private and 
public felicity. Let it simply be a^ked, where is the security for 
property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation 
desert the oaths, winch are the instruments of investigation in 
courts of justice? and let us with caution indulge the supposition, 
that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may 
be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of pe- 
culiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that 
national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principles. 

It is substantially true, that \irtue or morality is a necessary 
spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends wiih more 
or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a 
sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to 
shake the foundation of the fabric ? 

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions 
for the genera.1 diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the struc- 
ture of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential 
that pubiic opinion should be enlightened. 

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish, 
pubiic credit. One method of preserving it, is to use it as spar- 
ingly as possible ; avoiding the occasions of expense by cultivating 
peace ; but remembering also, that timely disbursement to pre- 
pare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements 
to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of deb*, not o.i'y 
by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in 
time of peace, to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may 
have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the 
burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these 
maxims belongs to our representatives 5 but it is necessary that 
public opinion should co-opetate. 



128 HISTORY OF 

To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essen- 
tial that j ou should practically bear in mind, that to* aids the pay- 
ment of debts there must be revenue : that to have revenue, there 
must be taxes : that no taxes can fc^rdevised that are not more or 
less inconvenient and unpleasant ; that the intrinsic embarrass* 
merit inseparable from the selection of the proper objects, (which 
is always a choice for difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive, for 
candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, 
and tor the spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining 
revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. 

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations: cultivate 
peace and harmony with all: religion and morality enjoin this 
cot duct ; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? 
It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and. at no distant period, 
a great nation, to give to nankind the magnanimous and too no- 
vel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and 
benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things, 
the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary ad- 
vantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ?....Can 
it be that Providence has not collected the permanent felicity 
of a nation with its virtues ? the experiment at least, is recom- 
mended by every sentiment which enobies human nature. ...Alas ! 
is it rendered impossible by its vices ? 

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than 
that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, 
and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded ; and 
that in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should 
be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an 
habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. 
It is a slave to its animosity or its affection, either of which is 
sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy 
in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer 
insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to 
he haughty and untractable, when accidental or trifling occasions 
of dispute occur. 

Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody 
contests. ...The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, some- 
times impels the government to war, contrary to the best calcula- 
tions of policy. The government sometimes participates in the na- 
tional propensity, and adopts, through passion, w hat reason would 
reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation sub- 
servient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and 
other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, some- 
times perhaps tha liberty of nations, has been the victim. 

80 likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another* 
produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favourite nation* 
iacikuting tj\e illusion of an imaginary caramon interest, in cases 



AMERICA. 129 

where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the 
enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the 
quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or 
justification. It leads also to concessions to the favourite nation of 
privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the na- 
tion making the concessions ; by unnecessarily parting with what 
ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and 
a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privi- 
leges are withheld : and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or de- 
luded citizens, who devote themselves to the favourite nation, faci- 
lity to betray or sacrifice the interest of their own country, without 
odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appear- 
ances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference 
for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or 
foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. 

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such 
attachments are particularly alarming, to the enlightened and 
independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to 
tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, 
to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! 
Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and pow- 
erful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the other. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to 
believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to 
be constantly awake ; since history and experience prove, that 
foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican gov- 
ernment. But that jealousy, to be useful must be impartial ; else 
it becomes the instrument of the verv influence to be avoided, in- 
stead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign 
nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they 
actuate to see the danger onlv on one side, and serve to veil and 
even to secoud the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, 
who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become 
suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes, usurp the ap- 
plause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations. is 
in extending our commercial relations, to have with themas little 
political connexion as possible. So far as we have already form- 
ed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith 

Here let us stop. 

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, 
or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in fre- 
quent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign 
to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to im- 
plicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes 
of her politics, or the ordinary combinations or collisions of her 
friendships, or enmities. 



130 HISTORY OF 

Our detached and distant situation, invites and enables us to 
pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an effi- 
cient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy 
material injury, from external annoyance: when we may take 
such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time 
resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ; when belligerent na- 
tions, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will 
not lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may choose 
peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. 

Why foregfi the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why 
quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweav- 
ing our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our 
peace and prosperity in the toils oi European ambition, rivalship, 
interest, humour, or caprice ? 

? Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with 
anv portion of the foreign world : so far, I mean, as we a»e now 
at liberty to do it: for let me not be understood as capable of 
patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the mixim 
no less applicable to public than private affairs, that honesty is 
always the best policy I repeat it, therefore, let those engage- 
ments be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, 
it its unnecessary, and would be unwise, to extend them. 

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establish- 
ments, on a respectable defensive posture, w r e may safely trust 
to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. 

Harmony and liberal intercourse with all nations, are recom- 
mended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our com- 
mercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither 
seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences; consulting 
the natural course of things ; diffusing and diversifying, by gentle 
means, the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing ; establish- 
ing, with powers so disposed in order to give trade a stable course, 
to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the govern- 
ment to support them ; conventional rules of intercourse, the best 
that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but 
temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or va- 
ried, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly 
keeping in view, that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinter- 
ested favours from another ; that it must pay with a portion of 
its independence, for whatever it may accept under that charac- 
ter ; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition 
of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being 
repioached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be 
no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favours 
from nation to nation. 'Tis an illusion which experience must 
cure, which a just pride ought to discard. 

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and 



AMERICA. 131 

affectionate friend. I dare not hope they will make the strong and 
Usting impression I could wish ; that they will control the usual 
current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the 
course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations : But, if 
I may even flatter myself, that they may he productive of some par- 
tial benefit, some occasional ^ood ; that they may now and then 
recur to them, to moderate the fury of party -spirit, to warn against 
the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures 
of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a full recompense for 
the solicitude of your welfare, by which they have been dictated. 

Hmv far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been 
guided by the principles that have been delineated, the public 
records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you 
and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience 
is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. 

In relation to the still-subsisting war in Europe, my proclama- 
tion of the twenty-second of \pril, 1793, is the index of my plan. 
Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Repre- 
sentatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure 
has continually governed me ; uninfluenced by any attempts to 
deter or divert me from it. 

After deliberate examination with the aid of the best lights I 
could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the 
circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in 
duty and interest, to take a neutral position. Having taken it, I 
determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, 
with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. 

The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, 
it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe 
that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so 
far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been 
virtually admitted by all. 

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without 
any thing more, from the obligations which justice and humanity 
impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to main- 
tain inviolate the relations of peace & amity towards other nations. 
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct, will 
best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With 
me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time 
to our country, to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, 
and to progress without interruption, to that degree of strength 
and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, 
the command of its own fortunes. 

Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration,! am 
unconscious of intentional error : 1 am, nevertheless, too sensible 
of my defects not to think it probable that 1 may have committed 
many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervent iy beseech the 



132 HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

Mmighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. 
I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never 
cease to view them with indulgence ; and that after forty-five 
years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, 
the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as 
myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this, as in other things, and actuated 
by that fervent love towards it, *vhich is so natural to a man, who 
views in it the natural soil of himself and his progenitors for 
several generations ; 1 anticipate with pleasing expectation, that 
retreat, in which I promise myself to realize without alloy, the 
sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, 
the benign influence of good laws under a free government; the 
ever favourite ohject of my heart, and the happy reward, as I 
trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers." 

He resigned with pleasure, the seat he had filled with so much 
honour and applause, to his successor, and retired to his farm at 
Mount Vernon, where he regained tranquilly in possession of those 
rural delights which were most congenial to his natural inclination. 

While he was thus peacefully enjoying the evening of life, he 
was again supplicated to assist his country. The insults and 
aggressions received from France, threatened an appeal to arms. 
All eyes were open to the late commander in chief, as the only 
person that ought to be trusted with the command of the army. 
He feit himself implicated as an American, in the national ho- 
nour, and accepted of the important charge. 

This was the last official act, of this Father of his country. On 
the fouiteenth of December, 17^9, he departed this life, at his 
seat at Mount Vernon, in the sixty-eighth year of his age, after 
having reaped a full harvest of glory. 

General Washington was about six feet in height, his eyes were 
grey, but lull of animation : his countenance serene and expres- 
sive, not exposed to the frequent indulgence of mirth : his limbs 
muscular and well proportioned. Majestic and solemn in his 
deportment. It has been asserted that he never was seen t 
smile during the revolutionary war. He generally express \ 
himself with perspicuity and diffidence, but seldom used more 
words than were necessary for the elucidating of his opinion. 
He had the mbanity of a gentleman, without the pagenti v of 
pride; he qualified denials in so kind a manner, that a disap- 
pointment earned no sting along with it. Such was the great 
Washington ! Where will America find his equal ? 



THE END. 



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